"PRICING" · 총 79건
필터 보기현재 지수
50.3
0 = 부정 우세
50 = 중립
100 = 긍정 우세
최근 7일 기준 84,777건을 분석한 결과, 뉴스 심리지수는 50.3(균형)입니다. 긍정 4,340건(5.1%)·중립 78,312건(92.4%)·부정 2,125건(2.5%)이며, 중립 비중이 뚜렷하게 높습니다. 성향 지수는 종합 14.8(중도 균형)입니다.
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India is set to significantly expand its ethanol dispensing stations, with 500 planned by December and 5,000 by 2027, to boost flex-fuel vehicle adoption. This initiative, marked by the launch of Maruti Suzuki's WagonR flex-fuel car, aims to reduce fuel imports. The government is implementing supportive measures including pricing incentives and infrastructure development.
The Honeywell-backed quantum computing company sold 28 million shares at $60 each, above its marketed range of $53 to $55
IN November 1970, the Bhola cyclone killed up to half a million people in East Pakistan. Yahya Khan’s government introduced a 10 per cent surcharge to fund emergency relief. Bangladesh became independent 13 months later. The affected territory was gone. The levy remained. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s government absorbed the revenue into general federal accounts in 1972. No accounting was published. In 1985, Gen Zia introduced the Iqra surcharge, framed as an education fund. The revenue balanced federal operating accounts. No alternative education instrument replaced it when it was abolished under the IMF’s insistence. The template was set. Fifty years later, Pakistan has not deviated from this template. What began as a cyclone surcharge is now a Rs1.55 trillion instrument misclassified as non-tax revenue. The architecture is identical but the scale has changed. Pakistan has pursued this through two parallel tracks. The first collected resources in the name of disaster relief, later rebranded as climate resilience as floods became more frequent. The second imposed non-tax revenue through petroleum pricing. The petroleum development levy (PDL), a general development surcharge dating to 1961, was structurally insulated in 2010 to bypass provincial NFC sharing. It grew steadily, crossing Rs100 billion annually by the mid-2010s and exceeding Rs200bn by FY2018-19. Although never formally framed as a climate instrument, it has acquired a distinct environmental gloss, culminating in the climate support levy of 2026. The flooding track: The 1973 floods wiped out three million houses and erased a year of economic growth. Bhutto created the Federal Flood Commission. Three consecutive 10-year national flood protection plans followed, running from 1978 to 2008 across four governments, each funded through the PSDP with no ring-fencing. Pakistan suffered catastrophic floods throughout. Three decades of federal plans, without a rupee ring-fenced. No relief fund has ever been legally ring-fenced. Since 1992, when Nawaz Sharif’s government first activated the prime minister’s relief fund model, Pakistan has deployed the same instrument at least five times across floods and earthquakes. The design is deliberate: by classifying flood revenue as voluntary donations rather than taxation, governments simultaneously escape parliamentary scrutiny, judicial challenge and NFC distribution requirements. Benazir Bhutto deployed the identical model after the 1994 floods. So did every government after 2010. The 2010 floods affected 20m people and caused $43bn in damages. The government announced a flood relief surcharge projecting Rs40bn, collected it, and absorbed it into the federal consolidated fund while simultaneously negotiating IMF targets. After the 2022 floods, the government quietly renamed its existing super tax: Section 4B, whose stated purpose was rehabilitation of temporarily displaced persons, became Section 4C, a super tax on high-earning persons. The humanitarian justification was dropped without explanation. The revenue mechanism stayed the same. Three findings hold across every instrument. No relief fund has ever been legally ring-fenced: every prime minister, president and chief minister relief fund is credited to the account of the federation, making it general government money. International pledges substitute for domestic accountability rather than supplementing it. And every fund since 2005 has carried a public commitment to publish an independent audit. None has been published. Justice Saqib Nisar’s 2018 dam fund collected Rs11.5bn from the public in the name of water security, earned Rs2.2bn in mark-up over six years, and was quietly transferred to the public account of the federation in 2024 without a single rupee spent on the stated objective. If money raised under the highest judicial authority in the country can still end up in the general budget, no argument remains that any executive fund can be trusted to do otherwise. The petroleum track: Climate change has been weaponised as a justification to tax citizens. Gen Musharraf used clean-fuel rhetoric to justify development surcharges during the CNG transition without a single rupee being traced to a cleaner fuel outcome. In 2009, the Supreme Court under chief justice Iftikhar Chaudhry ruled that revenue collected without a verifiable service to the payer is a tax, not a surcharge, and that imposing it by executive notification violates Article 77. The response was the Petroleum Products (Development Levy) Amendment Act, 2009, that satisfied the court’s procedural requirement while eliminating any ring-fencing obligation. The consequences are calculable. At Rs1.55tr, the PDL represents 10-11 per cent of total federal revenue. Under the seventh NFC Award, provinces are entitled to 57.5pc of all taxes. If correctly classified, Punjab would receive Rs461bn annually, Sindh Rs219bn, KP Rs13bn and Balochistan Rs81bn. They receive zero. It is a tax called a levy because of the NFC Award. The classification is deliberate. PML-N elevated PDL margins in 2016 on the justification that the premium would fund cleaner fuel production. The revenue went instead to IPP capacity charge payments and circular debt service, which reached Rs1.14tr by FY2017-18. The revenue collected in the name of cleaner fuel financed the liabilities of a fossil-fuel-dependent power grid. The PTI then scaled the PDL to Rs424bn, the highest in Pakistan’s history, while branding it a carbon instrument aligned with its Ten Billion Tree Tsunami project. In March 2022, it froze the levy at zero for political reasons. The IMF suspended a $1bn tranche within weeks. A climate-labelled levy had become a macroeconomic emergency. Across 23 programmes since 1958, the IMF has required Pakistan to enhance the PDL without requiring it to distribute the revenue constitutionally. The way forward: Can the PDL be ring-fenced or audited? Ring-fencing 15pc of PDL collections into a sovereign climate fund (SCF) would deploy Rs232bn annually, shared with provinces under the NFC Award and structured as a statutory trust. Following global benchmarks, it can leverage private investment at a ratio of one to four, unlocking approximately Rs900bn in total climate finance conditioned on climate resilience outcomes aligned with Pakistan’s commitments. The IMF objection is predictable but answerable. The SCF does not reduce total PDL collections. Tabled in the next programme negotiation as a structural benchmark rather than a provincial concession, the IMF’s incentives align with the reform rather than against it. The question is not whether Pakistan can create such a fund. It is whether any government is willing to surrender a revenue stream that it has prized too much to ring-fence. The writer is a climate expert. Published in Dawn, June 4th, 2026
• Govt and mining company conducting formal review of procurement plans for project • Minister hints at gas tariff relief for domestic consumers from July 1 ISLAMABAD: Pakistan and Barrick Mining Corporation are working on upgrading the security requirements of the multi-billion dollar Reko Diq Copper-Gold Project in view of the prevailing situation, resulting in increased security costs. A team of Barrick Gold is currently in Pakistan to discuss security upgrades, confirmed Ahmad Hayat Lak, chief executive officer of the Oil and Gas Development Company Limited (OGDCL), one of the key Reko Diq partners. He told journalists that the Reko Diq project agreement had provisions for security arrangements and that the partners were discussing possible upgrades. He said both sides were conducting a formal review of security arrangements and procurement plans for the project. Lak added that the review, as required under the agreement, would suggest whether security upgrades and additional funding were needed, while stressing that Pakistan, as the host country, bore sole responsibility for protecting the site. He said lenders had expressed confidence in existing security protocols during a recent meeting in Canada, having completed their own due diligence before committing funds. New financiers are also showing strong interest in joining the venture, he added. Petroleum Minister Ali Pervaiz Malik said Barrick Executive Chairman John L. Thornton had recently led a high-level delegation to Islamabad to discuss the security situation and procurement strategy with the government. He said it was reassuring that Barrick, one of the world’s leading mining firms, remained committed to the project despite global and local challenges. The delegation also reportedly explored the acquisition of advanced heavy-duty equipment through competitive bidding and the expansion of the project’s lending and credit structures. ‘Relief in gas tariff’ The minister hinted at relief in gas tariffs for domestic consumers in the upcoming pricing review from July 1, instead of an increase demanded by gas companies.“You will hear good news” on gas prices, he said. He said the government had already decided to charge Rs2,000 per million British thermal units (mmBtu) for gas supplied to power generation, instead of Rs3,500 per mmBtu in the case of LNG, and that a formal summary would be moved for implementation shortly. A summary would be sent to the federal cabinet to align the pricing of this gas with local rates and shield consumers from higher costs, he added. The minister said local gas production had been increased by 400 million cubic feet per day in response to supply disruptions and that proposals had been prepared to address the chronic circular debt problem in the gas sector. Petroleum Secretary Hamed Yaqoob Sheikh said the division was optimistic about receiving a positive response from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) regarding concessions aimed at facilitating the upgradation of local oil refineries. He said the minister had made a strong case before the IMF and emphasised that failure to modernise refineries would not be in the country’s interest. Published in Dawn, June 4th, 2026
Wall Street stocks pulled back from record highs on Wednesday as flaring tensions in the Middle East and rising crude prices stoked inflation jitters and convinced investors to take some profits.All three major U.S. stock indexes closed in negative territory, dragged lower by financials and tech , with the small-cap Russell 2000 underperforming its larger-cap counterparts.Chips advanced, indicating the artificial intelligence fervor is alive and well. Still, most of the Magnificent Seven group of AI-related megacaps were lower."The AI names are trading on their own completely separate world, largely oblivious to macro and geopolitical risk, at least within reason," said Ross Mayfield, investment strategy analyst at Baird in Louisville, Kentucky. "And so there's going to be a bid for those names, especially on days where everything else looks a little bit less attractive."The S&P Software & Services index declined. It has been battered in recent months by fears of AI disruption.Middle East hostilities intensified as the U.S. and Iran traded a new round of air strikes, the latest test of a shaky ceasefire.Oil prices rose, adding to worries that upward pressure on energy prices could metastasize into broader, systemic inflation."This market continues to demonstrate a tug of war between fundamentals in the U.S. economy, which are incredibly positive, and concerns that the duration of the conflict in the Middle East will lead to downside risks," said Bill Northey, senior investment director at U.S. Bank Wealth Management, Billings, Montana. "Our framework is centered around the duration of the closure of the Strait of Hormuz as the primary input to inflation expectations.""The longer the duration of that closure, the less likely the Federal Reserve will be able to ease in 2026," Northey added.In fact, financial markets are pricing more than a 40% likelihood of a rate hike at the conclusion of the U.S. Federal Reserve's December meeting, up from 9.1% one month ago, according to CME's FedWatch tool.New York Fed President John Williams reiterated his position that the central bank does not need to change interest rates despite upside inflation risks, stating monetary policy is "in the right place."Economic data suggested the labor market was stable, and the services sector continued to expand, but input prices remained elevated and corporate spending plans appeared soft amid rising energy costs and geopolitical uncertainties.The Beige Book, the Fed's regional economic survey, showed economic activity gathered steam in recent weeks, employment was little changed, but the fallout from higher energy prices due to the war was pervasive.According to preliminary data, the S&P 500 lost 54.11 points, or 0.74%, to end at 7,555.67 points, while the Nasdaq Composite lost 230.97 points, or 0.85%, to 26,862.93. The Dow Jones Industrial Average fell 581.84 points, or 1.13%, to 50,725.95.Among chipmakers, Marvell, Intel, Qualcomm , and Sandisk outperformed.Asset managers dropped after Switzerland's Partners Group capped withdrawals from an $8.6 billion private equity fund. KKR, Blackstone, Blue Owl and Ares Management all lost ground.GameStop advanced after the original meme-stock posted a rise in quarterly revenue and unveiled a $2 billion share buyback program.Elon Musk's SpaceX plans to price its IPO at $135 a share to raise a record $75 billion, a source familiar with the matter told Reuters on Tuesday.Broadcom results were expected shortly.
Consumer advocates decry Democrat Jared Polis for ‘choosing to side with dominant corporations’ over workers Colorado’s governor vetoed a bill on Tuesday that would have banned companies from using surveillance pricing to set workers’ wages and prices for consumer goods. The measure would have been the strongest in the nation against algorithmic pricing. While Maryland became the first state to approve a law banning surveillance pricing in grocery stores in April, Colorado’s proposed measure was more expansive. Continue reading...
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PAKISTAN’S farmers are awaiting the next budget with growing fears and fading hopes. Their concerns this year are fundamental, as the government — amid pressure for reform — continues experimenting with subsidies, procurement prices, input-cost liberalisation and agricultural trade. The cost of this trial-and-error has become an existential problem for farmers and the agricultural sector. The agriculture sector’s fading hopes are a direct result of the government’s inability — or unwillingness — to adopt a long-term policy direction and muster the political will needed for its implementation. Deregulation of agricultural inputs has led to a continuous rise in production costs, which the government hesitates to pass on to consumers because of political consequences. Wheat policy reversals, deregulated input costs and controlled output prices are curtailing farm profitability Consequently, farmers and agri-sector experts alike agree the government should make a clear decision this year, develop a consistent policy framework, and commit resources to it in the coming budget. Iqrar Ahmad Khan, former vice chancellor of the University of Agriculture Faisalabad and author of the Punjab government’s last agricultural policy, supports the farmers’ demands. “After all, this is going to be the third budget of this government; it must decide where it wants to take the sector. If it wants to regulate agricultural inputs and trade, it should do so clearly. If it plans to deregulate, it must do so unambiguously. But it must make the direction clear. “If deregulation is the preferred path, as appears to be the case, then the government should stop interfering in the market on behalf of different stakeholders — whether farmers, consumers, traders or manufacturers — at different levels and times, and let the market find its own equilibrium.” Citing policy somersaults on wheat — the national staple around which much of the agricultural economy revolves — farmers explain how an inconsistent mix of liberalised and controlled policies is proving ruinous for growers. Responding to lenders’ demands, the federal and provincial governments withdrew from the wheat procurement process two years ago. But after a crippling price crash last year, the Punjab government lured commercial wheat buyers into the market by promising to share their financial burden and ensure profitability. Within weeks, as the entire model began to collapse, the province reverted to old tactics: raiding farmers’ stocks, seizing wheat shipments on roads and using administrative power to build up the reserves of private buyers. In the process, it incurred farmers’ wrath twice over — first by withdrawing from the wheat market and then by seizing their produce to rescue a failing liberalisation model. Such somersaults have become routine and now define the government’s handling of the entire agricultural sector. Structural weaknesses Beyond pricing and procurement issues, many believe the crisis in agriculture is also rooted in structural weaknesses that successive governments have failed to address. Dr Asif Ali, vice chancellor of Nawaz Sharif Agriculture University, argues that since landholdings in Pakistan are already highly fragmented — and continue to be divided with each passing generation — the government needs to mitigate the effects through cluster farming and crop zoning. These clusters could then be linked with providers of quality agricultural inputs, including seed, fertiliser and pesticides, which could also conduct training programmes for farmers. Such a model would help improve the marketing of agricultural produce as well. He further points out that nearly 65pc of farmers own less than five hectares of land. For such small landholders, most forms of mechanisation are either financially unaffordable or commercially impractical. He suggests the government announce measures in the budget to establish farm machinery rental centres, enabling small farmers to access equipment without bearing the full cost of ownership. A question of survival While some experts focus on structural reforms, farmers’ representatives insist the most immediate issue remains economic survival. Khalid Khokhar of the Pakistan Kissan Ittehad advocates making agriculture profitable on an urgent basis, arguing that it is no longer economically viable. He suggests the creation of a pricing commission to calculate the cost of production for each crop every year, add a 25pc profit margin and announce the price before the crop reaches the market. “Either put a cap on the cost of inputs or remove the cap on the price of outputs,” he warns. “Otherwise, farmers may soon be pushed out of business and existence.” Running dry Water sector remains the most critical challenge facing agriculture. According to data from the Indus River System Authority, water shortages remained in double digits in six of the last 10 years, touching nearly 30pc in 2022-23. Not a single year during this period was free of a water deficit. Naeem Hotiana, a farmer from central Punjab, points to a stark funding gap: the outgoing Wapda chairman demanded Rs400 billion annually to complete ongoing water projects but received only Rs35 billion — less than 10pc of the required amount. “The irrigation system was originally designed for 65pc land utilisation, whereas the current cropping intensity in Punjab has already crossed 150pc. Now combine the realities of limited surface-water availability, shrinking groundwater reserves and barely one-tenth of the required investment being provided, and imagine the situation that is emerging. Doesn’t it scare one out of one’s senses?” He warns the situation will worsen as environmental pressures mount. “Climate change, which is already testing the limits of existing water supplies, only deepens the anxiety.” Published in Dawn, June 2nd, 2026
PAKISTAN’S farmers are awaiting the next budget with growing fears and fading hopes. Their concerns this year are fundamental, as the government — amid pressure for reform — continues experimenting with subsidies, procurement prices, input-cost liberalisation and agricultural trade. The cost of this trial-and-error has become an existential problem for farmers and the agricultural sector. The agriculture sector’s fading hopes are a direct result of the government’s inability — or unwillingness — to adopt a long-term policy direction and muster the political will needed for its implementation. Deregulation of agricultural inputs has led to a continuous rise in production costs, which the government hesitates to pass on to consumers because of political consequences. Wheat policy reversals, deregulated input costs and controlled output prices are curtailing farm profitability Consequently, farmers and agri-sector experts alike agree the government should make a clear decision this year, develop a consistent policy framework, and commit resources to it in the coming budget. Iqrar Ahmad Khan, former vice chancellor of the University of Agriculture Faisalabad and author of the Punjab government’s last agricultural policy, supports the farmers’ demands. “After all, this is going to be the third budget of this government; it must decide where it wants to take the sector. If it wants to regulate agricultural inputs and trade, it should do so clearly. If it plans to deregulate, it must do so unambiguously. But it must make the direction clear. “If deregulation is the preferred path, as appears to be the case, then the government should stop interfering in the market on behalf of different stakeholders — whether farmers, consumers, traders or manufacturers — at different levels and times, and let the market find its own equilibrium.” Citing policy somersaults on wheat — the national staple around which much of the agricultural economy revolves — farmers explain how an inconsistent mix of liberalised and controlled policies is proving ruinous for growers. Responding to lenders’ demands, the federal and provincial governments withdrew from the wheat procurement process two years ago. But after a crippling price crash last year, the Punjab government lured commercial wheat buyers into the market by promising to share their financial burden and ensure profitability. Within weeks, as the entire model began to collapse, the province reverted to old tactics: raiding farmers’ stocks, seizing wheat shipments on roads and using administrative power to build up the reserves of private buyers. In the process, it incurred farmers’ wrath twice over — first by withdrawing from the wheat market and then by seizing their produce to rescue a failing liberalisation model. Such somersaults have become routine and now define the government’s handling of the entire agricultural sector. Structural weaknesses Beyond pricing and procurement issues, many believe the crisis in agriculture is also rooted in structural weaknesses that successive governments have failed to address. Dr Asif Ali, vice chancellor of Nawaz Sharif Agriculture University, argues that since landholdings in Pakistan are already highly fragmented — and continue to be divided with each passing generation — the government needs to mitigate the effects through cluster farming and crop zoning. These clusters could then be linked with providers of quality agricultural inputs, including seed, fertiliser and pesticides, which could also conduct training programmes for farmers. Such a model would help improve the marketing of agricultural produce as well. He further points out that nearly 65pc of farmers own less than five hectares of land. For such small landholders, most forms of mechanisation are either financially unaffordable or commercially impractical. He suggests the government announce measures in the budget to establish farm machinery rental centres, enabling small farmers to access equipment without bearing the full cost of ownership. A question of survival While some experts focus on structural reforms, farmers’ representatives insist the most immediate issue remains economic survival. Khalid Khokhar of the Pakistan Kissan Ittehad advocates making agriculture profitable on an urgent basis, arguing that it is no longer economically viable. He suggests the creation of a pricing commission to calculate the cost of production for each crop every year, add a 25pc profit margin and announce the price before the crop reaches the market. “Either put a cap on the cost of inputs or remove the cap on the price of outputs,” he warns. “Otherwise, farmers may soon be pushed out of business and existence.” Running dry Water sector remains the most critical challenge facing agriculture. According to data from the Indus River System Authority, water shortages remained in double digits in six of the last 10 years, touching nearly 30pc in 2022-23. Not a single year during this period was free of a water deficit. Naeem Hotiana, a farmer from central Punjab, points to a stark funding gap: the outgoing Wapda chairman demanded Rs400 billion annually to complete ongoing water projects but received only Rs35 billion — less than 10pc of the required amount. “The irrigation system was originally designed for 65pc land utilisation, whereas the current cropping intensity in Punjab has already crossed 150pc. Now combine the realities of limited surface-water availability, shrinking groundwater reserves and barely one-tenth of the required investment being provided, and imagine the situation that is emerging. Doesn’t it scare one out of one’s senses?” He warns the situation will worsen as environmental pressures mount. “Climate change, which is already testing the limits of existing water supplies, only deepens the anxiety.” Published in Dawn, June 2nd, 2026
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Markets do not wait for war before pricing risk. They move when uncertainty increases. That is why South Korea’s debate over wartime operational control, or OPCON, should not be treated only as a military or political issue. It is also a question of how global investors, credit-rating agencies, insurers, banks and multinational companies will read Korea’s future economic security environment. President Lee Jae Myung’s renewed push for the OPCON transfer has reignited a sensitive debate. The usua
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