The Hindu National
중도
기타
Government doctors protest across Telangana over transfer process, allege violations of GO 38
‘Outpatient, Inpatient and surgical services were continuing normally in all government hospitals’
"HOSPITALS" · 총 131건
필터 보기현재 지수
50.3
0 = 부정 우세
50 = 중립
100 = 긍정 우세
최근 7일 기준 82,601건을 분석한 결과, 뉴스 심리지수는 50.3(균형)입니다. 긍정 4,278건(5.2%)·중립 76,218건(92.3%)·부정 2,105건(2.5%)이며, 중립 비중이 뚜렷하게 높습니다. 성향 지수는 종합 14.8(중도 균형)입니다.
‘Outpatient, Inpatient and surgical services were continuing normally in all government hospitals’
• Cites 2026 study that finds Karachi has highest urban-rural temperature difference • Says emergency response not enough, the city must reduce heat at its source • Links pollution, dense construction, traffic, and tree loss to growing health risks KARACHI: Highlighting the multiple environmental challenges Karachi faces, a senior community health sciences expert has called for urgent actions at both the government and individual levels to tackle the growing urban heat problem that’s silently damaging public health and productivity. Responding to Dawn’s queries about Karachi’s challenges on the eve of World Environment Day, Prof Zafar Fatmi, Head of Environmental Occupational Health and Climate Change at the Department of Community Health Sciences, Aga Khan University, said that the city’s urban heat effect appears to be becoming more intense. “This is not only because of global climate change, but also because of how the city is growing, how people move through it, how much pollution they breathe, and how little protection many people have while working and living outdoors,” shared Prof Fatmi, who has done several studies on subjects related to community health. He explained that more concrete, more roads, high-density construction, traffic congestion, loss of trees, and fewer open spaces are making the city absorb and retain more heat. Referring to studies conducted from Karachi, he said that they showed that urban heat island effects are present, with higher night-time land surface temperatures in urban areas, and recent work has identified heatwave vulnerability in the city’s dense urban zones. “A 2026 multi-city Pakistan study also found that Karachi has the highest urban-rural temperature difference among major cities studied, around 4.5°C, and linked vegetation loss with higher land surface temperature. “This means Karachi is not only experiencing hotter weather; it is also being built in a way that makes heat worse. In our own microscale urban heat work in Karachi [a 2024 study], we found that delivery riders and rickshaw drivers experienced temperatures much higher than the city’s recorded average,” he said. The study published two years ago showed that in summer, exposure was about 5.5°C higher under direct sun and 1.8°C higher even in shade compared with the city average. “This tells us something very important: the heat people face on the street is often different from the official temperature. The real exposure is what people feel at traffic signals, bus stops, roadside markets, construction sites, school routes, and while travelling for work.” Responding to a question about warning signs of growing intensity of urban heat, Prof Fatmi said that they are already visible; nights are not cooling adequately, outdoor workers feel exhausted earlier in the day and people complain of dehydration, headache, dizziness, poor sleep, fatigue, and fainting. “Those with heart disease, lung disease, hypertension, diabetes, kidney disease, and old age are at greater risk. Children, pregnant women, traffic police, vendors, construction workers, delivery riders, rickshaw drivers, and people living in poorly ventilated homes are particularly vulnerable.” Underscoring the need for urgent action, he said that when ordinary places such as bus stops, traffic signals, roadside shops, and school routes become heat-risk zones, it is a sign that urban heat is no longer an occasional discomfort; it is becoming a public-health exposure. The problem, he points out, becomes more serious when heat combines with air pollution. Karachi’s residents do not experience heat and pollution separately. “They breathe polluted air in hot, congested, dusty, and traffic-heavy conditions. Heat increases dehydration, breathing rate, and pressure on the heart, while air pollution affects the lungs, blood vessels, and cardiovascular system.” According to Prof Fatmi, research from hundreds of cities has shown that high temperatures can modify the health effects of air pollutants, including particulate matter, nitrogen dioxide, and ozone. “Other studies also suggest that combined exposure to heat and particulate pollution can increase mortality risk more than either exposure alone. For Karachi, this means air pollution control and heat planning should not be treated as separate issues.” Replying to a question whether there is a link between rising temperature, urban heat and infections, he explained that higher temperatures can create conditions in which some pathogens, mosquitoes, and contamination risks grow more easily, especially where water, sanitation, waste, and drainage systems are weak. “Food spoils faster. Stored water becomes unsafe more easily. Stagnant water can support mosquito breeding. Climate research shows that warming temperatures and changing rainfall patterns are affecting vector-borne diseases, while water-borne and food-borne infections can also increase where heat is combined with poor sanitation and unsafe water.” In Karachi, therefore, he says, the risk is not heat alone; it is heat plus poor drainage, unsafe water storage, waste accumulation, crowding, and weak municipal services. On the actions required at both individual and state levels, he said that people should avoid unnecessary outdoor exposure during peak heat, drink safe water frequently, use shade, cover the head, avoid heavy exertion during the hottest hours, and check on children, elderly people, pregnant women, and people with chronic diseases. “People should recognise early danger signs such as dizziness, confusion, fainting, severe weakness, very hot skin, or inability to drink water. Outdoor workers need shaded rest areas, drinking water, and adjusted work hours. These should be treated as basic occupational protections, not as charity.” At the government level, he says, Karachi needs a serious heat-health action plan. “This should include simple public alerts in Urdu and local languages, shaded bus stops, public drinking-water points, cooling spaces, school guidance during heatwaves, emergency preparedness in hospitals, and legal protection for outdoor workers during extreme heat.” However, he emphasises that emergency response alone is not enough and that the city must also reduce heat at its source; protecting mature trees, expanding green and blue spaces, reducing unnecessary concrete, improving public transport, controlling dust and vehicle emissions, stopping waste burning, using cooler building and road materials, and making heat assessment mandatory for major roads, buildings, and infrastructure projects. “A climate-resilient Karachi will require health, planning, transport, environment, labour, and municipal authorities to work together. Otherwise, heat will continue to quietly damage health, productivity, and dignity, especially among the poor and those who work outdoors.” Published in Dawn, June 5th, 2026
PAKISTAN has one of the highest diabetes prevalence rates in the world. About one in three adults is living with diabetes here — some 33-34 million people. Shouldn’t there be public information campaigns to raise awareness about preventing/ living with diabetes? Where are these programmes in Pakistan? Heart disease is the leading cause of mortality in Pakistan; it is responsible for an estimated 30-40 per cent of deaths. Pakistan’s cardiovascular disease rate is 648.6 persons per 100,000; the ischemic heart disease rate is 188 per 100,000 persons. Both are the highest in the region. Some of the leading risk factors for heart disease are diabetes, high blood pressure, obesity, tobacco usage and air pollution. Around 20pc of our adult population consumes tobacco (there is a 32pc prevalence rate among men and 6-7pc among women). Other than printed warnings on tobacco products and a ban on tobacco advertisements, one does not see a significant campaign to prohibit or even discourage tobacco consumption. Around 18-26pc of our adult population is believed to be hypertensive, with some 70pc undiagnosed. Neither do we have a public awareness programme for prevention of hypertension. We don’t even have sufficient diagnostic facilities. Most people discover they are hypertensive when health complications, like heart disease, arise. Why does our healthcare system lack diabetes prevention and management programmes? Breastfeeding initiation rates are low in Pakistan as is the exclusive six-month breastfeeding rate. Pakistan still has one of the world’s highest infant mortality rates and some 40pc of its children are malnourished. Contaminated water in the feed of infants is a major contributory factor. Sadly, despite the fact that breastfeeding initiation or knowledge about exclusive breastfeeding for six months and programmes for ensuring better support for mothers are not that costly — and far cheaper than addressing child malnourishment and high infant mortality rates — we are still without a major programme to support pregnant and lactating mothers. Why are systems and markets so incomplete in these areas? If a third of our adult population has diabetes, why does our healthcare system lack diabetes prevention and management programmes? It is true that we spend very little — as a percentage of GDP — on healthcare. But awareness, prevention and management programmes are much cheaper to run than curative programmes. Why is prioritisation in public health expenditure so warped? The neglect of large preventive or management programmes in the public sector in almost all the areas mentioned here is criminal to say the least. The private sector provides much of the healthcare in the country. It makes sense for the largely profit-driven private sector to focus on curative rather than preventive programmes. Doctors, hospitals and pharmaceuticals earn a lot more if a person develops diabetes and lives with the condition for 20 to 30 years, rather than making lifestyle changes before full-blown diabetes sets in. On the other hand, much of our private health sector is not-for-profit. Yet even they lack large awareness or prevention programmes. Some of the world’s leading cardiologists are working in the country. Many are working in Pakistan as well as in the US/UK. Given the widespread prevalence of heart disease, there’s a strong demand for cardiologists here. However, no hospital, insurance company or doctor has a good prevention programme in place. I have heard a number of doctors say that if you are a South Asian man in your mid to late 50s, it is likely you already carry some of the markers of heart disease. But if this is true, should the same doctors and hospitals not invest in programmes that raise awareness for South Asian men before they reach their mid-50s? One could argue that there is no incentive for profit-focused doctors and hospitals to invest in prevention programmes. But, what is more surprising is that there are significant gaps in the provision of services even in curative care. So, you survive a heart attack. In most countries, hospitals and doctors offer programmes for rehabilitation that get you on the road to recovery by offering support for dietary and lifestyle changes, exercise, psychological and psychiatric support if needed, and of course, support for managing heart disease. But few, if any, hospitals or doctors offer such comprehensive support in Pakistan. Instead, you get a lot of hand-waving and general advice on lifestyle and dietary changes and instructions to get in touch with each specialist separately. Even where profits could be made, the services are missing. This is quite interesting. Has the market still not developed enough? The same issues exist in other areas as well. If around a third of Pakistani adults are diabetic and large numbers are genetically predisposed to obesity, hypertension and heart disease, why are food manufacturers and restaurants in Pakistan not offering better options? Just displaying ‘no added sugar’ on a food label is not enough. Just saying the burger has ‘xx calories’ is definitely not enough. Manufacturers and restaurants should be developing tasty but healthy options for people living with diabetes, hypertension, obesity, heart disease, etc. But we do not see such developments even in the for-profit sector. It is not clear why this is so. It might be that the market has not caught on yet (try finding non-dairy milk options in mainstream shops) as such options do exist in other countries. Or is the market not thought to be discerning or large enough? Given the millions of people we are dealing with, I think that things are likely to change in the near future. But the near future might not be near enough for many. Much of Pakistan’s disease burden is preventable and manageable — right from the time a child is born (breastfeeding awareness and support) all the way to adulthood (heart disease, diabetes, etc). The for-profit healthcare sector and food industry are benefiting monetarily from curative services — although there are many services that are not being provided — and have no incentive to invest in awareness and preventive programmes. But the responsibility of large awareness and prevention programmes lies with the state. Sadly, the state is more focused on the curative rather than the preventive aspect of healthcare services. The writer is a senior research fellow at the Institute of Development and Economic Alternatives and an associate professor of economics at Lums. Published in Dawn, June 5th, 2026
EVERY June, Pakistan’s budget season follows a familiar pattern: business groups repeat their proposals for relief, the government defends its targets, and taxpayers prepare for additional burdens. Yet a more fundamental question is rarely asked — what is the budget ultimately meant to achieve, and does it reflect a clear long-term national purpose? In principle, the budget is the state’s main instrument for promoting growth, improving public services, reducing poverty and raising living standards. In Pakistan, however, it has increasingly come to resemble an accounting exercise: mobilise sufficient revenue to finance a growing state and meet fiscal benchmarks agreed with the IMF. The result is a lopsided process that remains focused on extracting more from those already within the tax net, while paying insufficient attention to the quality of public spending, the need to broaden the base, or the incentives required for investment, employment and productivity. The Tax Policy Office was expected to introduce a longer-term perspective to this debate, but that wider vision is still not evident. The burden continues to fall, predictably, on the formal economy. Corporations, salaried employees, entrepreneurs, exporters, documented businesses and investors remain the most visible and therefore the most easily taxed. What receives much less scrutiny is whether public spending is yielding meaningful improvements in citizens’ lives, particularly in a country where a large share of the population remains below the poverty line. Pakistan has absorbed much of the fiscal cost of devolution without fully realising its potential efficiency gains. This distortion has become more pronounced since the 18th Constitutional Amendment altered Pakistan’s fiscal structure. Health, education, labour welfare and other social services were devolved to the provinces, which now receive a substantial share of national revenues through the National Finance Commission Award. The logic was straightforward: provinces, being closer to citizens, would deliver services more effectively, while the federal government would gradually withdraw from devolved functions and reduce its own size and cost. That second part of the arrangement, however, remains largely unfulfilled. More than a decade later, successive governments have shown limited willingness to undertake the constitutional, administrative and institutional reforms required to right-size the federation. Pakistan has, therefore, absorbed much of the fiscal cost of devolution without fully realising its potential efficiency gains. The results are plain: weak learning, poor healthcare access, child malnutrition, low productivity, millions of children out of school, under-equipped hospitals, inadequate skills training and persistently low female labour-force participation. Yet, even against this backdrop, the provinces are expected to post a combined budget surplus of roughly Rs1.6 trillion. This surplus forms part of the consolidated fiscal framework that enables Pakistan to meet primary surplus targets under the IMF programme. Fiscal discipline is necessary; Pakistan’s record on deficits and debt leaves little room for complacency. But every rupee retained as surplus is also a rupee not directed towards schools, hospitals, technical training and local services. The balance appears to have shifted too far towards meeting accounting targets and too little towards building human capital. The irony is that while existing taxpayers are repeatedly told there is little room for relief, substantial untapped capacity exists elsewhere. Agriculture contributes nearly a quarter of GDP but remains lightly taxed, while property taxation is among the weakest in the region. Large agricultural and urban wealth holdings generate limited recurring revenue because assessment remains weak, enforcement uneven and valuations often disconnected from market reality. Since provinces have constitutional authority over agricultural income and property taxes, meaningful reform in these areas could broaden the base, improve fairness and reduce the state’s dependence on taxing the same formal businesses and individuals year after year. It would also help strengthen the sense that the fiscal burden is being shared more equitably. The next budget should therefore reset fiscal priorities. Rather than treating compliant taxpayers as an inexhaustible source of revenue, policymakers should present a credible path towards relief for documented economic activity: lower excessive tax rates on salaried employees, entrepreneurs and businesses, phase out the Super Tax, remove distortionary levies, reduce cascading taxation and bring greater predictability to policy. Better incentives would support investment, exports, formalisation and job creation — the key objectives of fiscal policy. But relief must be matched by credible efforts to broaden the tax base, improve spending efficiency and mobilise provincial revenues from agriculture and property. Fiscal sustainability cannot rest indefinitely on squeezing a shrinking pool of compliant taxpayers. Provinces, meanwhile, should be judged less by the size of their surpluses than by measurable gains in education, healthcare, skills, productivity and poverty reduction. Pakistan’s fiscal debate remains confined to the narrow question of how to raise more revenue. The more important issue is how public finances can create opportunity, improve living standards and support durable growth. A budget should be more than a balancing exercise between revenue and expenditure; it should also reflect a willingness to reform the structure of the state itself. Unless Pakistan completes the unfinished agenda of devolution, broadens the tax base and channels provincial resources towards human development, it may strive to meet fiscal targets without delivering the broader prosperity its citizens are entitled to expect. The writer is a former CEO of Unilever Pakistan and of the Pakistan Business Council Published in Dawn, June 5th, 2026
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Mother demands overhaul of maternity care after settling case over birth at Queen’s hospital in Romford in 2019 The family of a girl left brain-damaged at birth have agreed to accept £28m in damages after the NHS trust involved admitted that its mistakes led to the tragedy. Barking, Havering and Redbridge university hospitals NHS trust failed to monitor the baby’s heart rate while her mother was in labour or ask an obstetrician to review the case, either of which might have led to the girl being born in a healthy condition. Continue reading...
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Lebanese government agrees ceasefire with Israel but Israeli drone strikes continue. Plus the story of the man who launched Cuba’s first independent magazine Good morning. Israel and Lebanon have agreed to implement a ceasefire to end hostilities, the Trump administration has announced – but it comes with caveats. Not only is the deal contingent on a complete cessation of fire from the Iran-aligned Hezbollah armed group, and on the evacuation of all its fighters from the area south of the Litani River, but Hezbollah has not been part of the talks. Where has Israel been targeting? William Christou in Beirut reports that three hospitals in southern Lebanon have been attacked by Israel in under a week, wounding more than 150 people and killing nine. Analysts and human rights experts have said the attacks on healthcare facilities were aimed at degrading the conditions for life in south Lebanon. What did Israel say about it? The military said it had struck “Hezbollah infrastructure in the area of Tyre” and acknowledged a hospital was “affected incidentally”. It accused Hezbollah of “taking over” one of the hospitals it struck. Is that number significant? Yes, the 90-day threshold is important because the 1973 War Powers Resolution lays down that a president must seek congressional approval to continue waging war after hostilities have continued that length of time. Trump’s White House has rejected that argument, citing a temporary ceasefire that has been in place since 8 April – although it has been broken several times by the US, Israel and Iran. Continue reading...
Kenyan David Mungai Njenga was convicted for running a scam that placed unqualified nurses in hospitals, risking thousands of patients’ lives in the US.
The Delhi Gymkhana Club was born in 1913, raised for British officers and the colonial set, and was later inherited by bureaucrats, politicians, and the comfortably connected. None of that pedigree could save it, however, from the law. Last week India told it to vacate the land by June 5. The government read a single clause from the club’s own lease, named a public purpose, and issued the notice. The land returns to the state as do the buildings on it. The club says it will fight the decision in court, and it may. But the order is out and the clock has started. In Pakistan, the Lahore Gymkhana was born in the same year, is grander than Delhi’s and also sits on land worth a king’s ransom. But no notice to vacate has been issued. These are the facts from the government documents that explain why. India has ordered the Delhi Gymkhana Club to vacate its premises by June 5 — Credits: BBC 38 paisas a kanal The Lahore Gymkhana sits on state land ringed by The Mall, Jail Road, and Zafar Ali Road. There is no pricier address in the province. Its 1913 lease stretches back to the Raj, and has been repeatedly extended in 1921, 1960, and, in haste in 1996, five years before its expiry. This time it was extended for 50 years to cover the years 2000 to 2050. The gymkhana estate sprawls over 112 acres and the club holds three kanal and 16 marlas more than the record of rights allows — a tiny trespass that nobody thought to note until now. But that is not all. Inside Lawrence Gardens (Bagh-e-Jinnah), the Gymkhana keeps an exclusive cricket ground on three-and-a-half acres of the Agriculture Department. This was never part of the lease, there is no grant for it and no rent is paid. No paper explains how a public garden was fenced off for a private game. For the main estate, the club pays Rs5000 a year in rent. Not per kanal. In total. That comes to Rs417 a month, or under fifty paisas per kanal, for some of the most valuable earth in Pakistan. How little is Rs5000? Consider it against the government’s upper commercial rate. Total land 1,091 kanals 21,820 marla Market value 1,091 × Rs200 million/kanal Rs218.2 billion Fair annual rent 21,820 marla × Rs200,000/marla Rs4.364 billion The land is worth Rs218 billion so fair rent would be about Rs4.36 billion a year. Under the government’s 2023 policy, clubs can pay a tenth of market rent, but this would still come to Rs400 million a year. The club pays Rs5000. For years, the land’s real value sat behind a nominal colonial rent. It became visible when market figures were placed on the record. The admissions of guilt The club filed its defence with the Assembly admitting the buildings came after the lease, which said the government had to approve construction. Over the decades the club built its clubhouse, golf clubhouse, pool, two guest blocks, health club, administration block, mosque and a café in 2012. The Board of Revenue searched for permissions but none were on record. The club has not even paid its token Rs5,000 rent. The Additional Deputy Commissioner’s office sent a notice, dated 26 August 2020, saying that rent had not bee paid since 2011. Then the money. The club swears no public funds reach it but then lists them in the next breath: Rs2 million from President Zia in 1985, Rs2 million from PM Nawaz Sharif the same year, Rs50 million from CM Pervaiz Elahi in 2006, Rs10 million from CM Shehbaz Sharif in 2014. Four heads of government, four gifts from the public purse, to a private club. And who is the club for? Its rulebook answers. Every civil servant of Grade 18 and above may join for a token fee, and so may every commissioned officer of the armed forces. The other way to become a member is to inherit membership. The capture is not an accident of history. It is written into the founding charter. The roll of ordinary members, meanwhile, the club guards as confidential as if it were a list belonging to a Freemason Lodge. The instinct to maintain secrecy runs deep. When citizens used the Right to Information law to ask for the lease and the donor records, the club refused, and carried its refusal to the Lahore High Court, pleading, without blushing, that as a public limited company it was no “public body” and owed the public nothing. In January 2023, the court dismissed the plea. The land belongs to the state, the judge held. Handing over land worth billions of rupees almost free was an enormous benefit and rent of Rs5,000 a year “cannot be even termed as any rate whatsoever.” The same shrug was then offered to the Assembly when it asked who the club’s members were. Lahore Gymkhana — Credits: Express Tribune Institutionalising the giveaway The Gymkhana is no aberration. It is the template: in May 2023 the state made the template law. That month, a caretaker government in Punjab, an unelected stopgap whose only charge was to hold an election, approved a sweeping new policy. It had no mandate to make long-term land decisions but it made one anyway. On May 10 2023, the Colonies Department opened the door to hand prime state land to gymkhana clubs across the province, and fixed their rent at a tenth of market value. The discount was sewn into the rules. The Board of Revenue reports the harvest. The figure that matters is what the clubs actually pay, after the 90 per cent is shaved away: Rs20,000 an acre a year at Dera Ghazi Khan, Mandi Bahauddin, and Chiniot; Rs50,000 at Vehari, Sahiwal, and Dera Ghazi Khan; Rs60,000 at Kamalpur Syedaan in Attock; Rs100,000 at Saddar Gymkhana, Gujranwala; Rs120,000 at Jhang; Rs140,000 at Jhelum and Gujranwala City. An acre of prime city land, for the price of a secondhand motorcycle, every year. And the final irony: this generous policy, the Board says, does not reach the Lahore Gymkhana, because its lease is older. Elite enclaves on public land The Gymkhana is not the only refuge for the officer class in Lahore. Inside the GOR, that broad expanse of prime central land set aside for officialdom, stands the Punjab Civil Officers Mess on Tollington Road. At GOR’s gate stands the colonial Punjab Club. A short walk off, the Lahore Polo Club keeps its grounds and stables inside the Race Course, public parkland surrendered to horses and a handful of players. An exclusive school for the male heirs of the elite, Aitchison College (Chief’s College), spreads over 200 acres. None of these entities bought their land. It is public land, held in trust, enjoyed by the few. Islamabad tells the same story more starkly. The Islamabad Club, sprawled across 352 acres of CDA land, pays about three rupees an acre a month as its gates remain closed to ordinary citizens. The Gun and Country Club rose up on land meant for the Pakistan Sports Board; the Supreme Court declared it illegal in 2018 and ordered the land to be taken back, yet years later auditors could not trace some 38 acres, and the club sat on roughly 37 with no deed, no lease, no licence at all. The court said it aloud: there was no land in Islamabad for a public hospital [for the poor], but there was land aplenty for clubs for the rich. And the hunger has not eased. In Multan, the district administration moves to slice 15 acres off the Central Cotton Research Institute, founded in 1970, the cradle of more than forty cotton varieties, including the region’s first virus-free strain, to feed another gymkhana, while the country’s cotton reserves sit at a record low and we spend hard currency importing the very crop the institute exists to improve. The Pakistan Business Forum has written to the chief minister to stop it. The clubs took the parks. Now they reach into the seed bank. There has been an attempt to quantify this. In 2021, the UNDP put a number on the privileges captured by Pakistan’s elite. Cheap land and capital, tax breaks and soft inputs came to about $17.4 billion a year, which is nearly 6pc of the whole economy. The Gymkhana is merely a place where one may stand and watch the transfer happen: a 112 acres, for Rs5000. When the same hands value, grant, and enjoy the land This mechanism endures not through sloth but through strategy, as the actors make clear. The land belongs to the state. The men who grant it are senior civil servants in the Colonies Department, the Board of Revenue, the office of the Deputy Commissioner. The men who set the value of the land, and thus decide the rent, are with the same revenue service. And the men who enjoy the clubs are, by rule, civil servants of Grade 18 and above and senior officers of the armed forces. The same hands own the land, price the land, rent it, and carry the membership cards. When one cadre handles every aspect of a deal, its low price is no blunder. It is the purpose. No one at that table has any interest in making public land fetch a public price, for all of them gain from the opposite. The officer who would raise the rent, enforce the breach, or cancel the lease must act against his service, his colleagues, and likely his own leisure. That is what makes Sohaib Butt’s report so rare, and so telling. It took a man willing to go against the grain of his service to do the simplest thing: write down what the land is worth. This is the truth worth stating plainly. In Pakistan, real power does not change hands at the ballot box. Governments arrive and depart; the bureaucracy and elites abide. And on the matter of state land for clubs, those who never leave office and those who enjoy the clubs are one and the same. That is why such a file scarcely moves. And it is why it matters so greatly who, in the end, forced it into the open. Nestled within the Bagh-e-Jinnah, is one of the most picturesque cricket arenas of the world — Credits: Dawn archives Two-tiered justice The state can, of course, move on land with great speed if it wants. Take Islamabad, the capital that prides itself on order. For three months its bulldozers have flattened katchi abadis or the informal colonies where the city’s gardeners and nannies, washerwomen and labourers have lived for a generation. Around 25,000 people were driven out of Mulism Colony in Bari Imam alone. Settlements a quarter-century old, Rimsha Colony in H-9 and the largely Christian Allama Iqbal Colony in G-7, were marked for the same fate, along with the ancient villages of Saidpur and Nurpur Shahan.The state’s housing policy counts 60 such settlements in the city, home to between 300,000 and half a million souls; the CDA recognises barely 10 as lawful and brands the rest squatters. And here is the part that should silence the room: a Supreme Court order from 2015 was passed after the merciless clearance of the I-11 settlement left 25,000 people homeless. It stayed the summary evictions altogether. The bulldozers came regardless. The same legal system that cannot dislodge an unpaid colonial lease in 18 months had no trouble dislodging the poor in open defiance of its highest court. Punjab is no kinder about informality. It is just quieter about it. For three decades, it has promised to regularise its katchi abadis, and for three decades that promise has mostly stayed on paper. There is a law to sanction the work done and an agency to get it done but the number of settlements grows faster than the lists of “regularised” ones. Surveys are started and abandoned. Notifications are issued and forgotten. The poor who put up their housing on the edges of Lahore and Faisalabad and Rawalpindi live out their years in limbo, always one bureaucrat’s signature away from eviction. Three decades is a lifetime. A child born in one of these colonies has grown, married, and had children, and the family still cannot say for certain that the ground beneath their feet is legally theirs. Meanwhile, the new law enforcer is punishing and swift. The Punjab government created the Punjab Enforcement and Regulatory Authority (PERA), to clear what it deemed to be encroachments. It is aided by deputy and assistant commissioners and a uniformed force with black Vigos. Through 2025 PERA hired thousands of staff and opened stations across Lahore and beyond, as its drives targeted the small folk. Traders protested its methods: a shop photographed in the evening, sealed the next morning, fined Rs10,000 to Rs25,000, kept shut until the owner paid. Thella wallahs, vendors, kiosks punished for setting up on a footpath. But 112 acres of the city’s finest land, held on a dead lease, built over without leave, exempted by a rule the board invented, is “legitimate possession,” defended for generations. The bulldozer works swiftly for the weak but stalls for the strong. What Rs218 billion could buy instead of membership It is worth listing what Rs218 billion would buy in a place that cannot pay for medicine. In 2025-26, Punjab set aside Rs630.5 billion for its health sector, and proudly announced that for the first time this included Rs79.5 billion for free medicine. And yet Dawn reported that Rawalpindi’s three public hospitals (Holy Family, Benazir Bhutto, and the Teaching Hospital) were given a fraction of Rs4.5 billion they asked for. Their vendors are refusing to deliver stocks until the bills are cleared. The Lahore Gymkhana land, on the other hand, is worth Rs218 billion, or three times the free medicine funding. A single elite golf-and-dining estate, that pays Rs5000 in rent, is worth more than the tab for medicines in a province of 120 million people. The Assembly did its job It took an elected Assembly more than one attempt to set this right. The matter was brought up at the last session but did not move ahead for “mysterious” reasons. The House pressed further. A member moved an adjournment motion and the Speaker called it out: this was elite capture of state land. The Speaker formed a committee and for the first time in history, opened its hearings to the public and TV cameras. The House’s members killed it at the first sitting by placing on the record, all of them, that they sought no membership of the club, only the public interest. In a few weeks they ferreted out from their government two documents that settled everything. The first was the valuation, ADC(R) report (shown above), which turned Rs5,000 into a scandal by comparison. The second document ended the argument. The Law and Parliamentary Affairs Department gave a clean opinion on what the state may do: Clause 6 of the 1996 lease lets the government end the lease at any time, on six months’ notice. Clause 8 says that when it ends, the club is owed nothing for any building it raised. The Board of Revenue added that the state is bound to resume the land when public purpose requires it, or when the lease is broken. India reclaimed its gymkhana land by reading one clause of a lease. Punjab’s lawyers have now confirmed the province holds the same power to take back the Rs218 billion estate, with every building on it, on six months’ notice, and pay nothing. Credit for this denouement goes to the House of elected representatives. What they cannot do alone is sign the order. That pen rests with the executive, which is the same bureaucracy that would rather keep the file shut. Inside Lahore Gymkhana Cricket Museum, the first of its kind in Pakistan — Credits: Dawn archives Options The remedy is not exotic. The simplest one is to cancel the lease. The second option is to take back the land for public use, which is what Delhi did. We don’t need to look far to find precedent. When the Royal Palm Club in Lahore defaulted on its lease of Railways land, the state took the land back and pulled down structures. Indeed, members on both benches have said if it can be done to a club on railway land in Lahore, it can be done to a club on nazul (state) land in Lahore. The most durable option is a legal statute to dedicate the gymkhana estate to a fixed public use. And one use should unite the benches. The estate is a manicured, thirsty green in one of the most poisoned cities on earth. Take it back. Grow a native forest on it the fast and thick Miyawaki way and plan a park. Such greenery traps the dust, cools the air, and pushes back against the smog that sends people to our hospitals each winter. A golf course serves a hundred men. A forest would serve millions. We say the law protects everyone alike but we must admit it does not. The thella wallah is presumed to be illegal and is not given time to prove otherwise. The Lahore Gymkhana Club is presumed to be lawful no matter what the file says. Delhi has shown us the way. There was never a question of what the law allowed if elite land had to be taken back. The Assembly has proven this twice and put proof on record. What remains is the will to choose a public forest or park over a private fairway, the many over the few, the medicine over the membership. The House has spoken. The executive has not. For now, the silence belongs to the people holding the pen, and everyone can see why they would rather not sign.
Relatives moved between hospitals seeking missing people, while police personnel injured during rescue operations were discharged.
Research suggests NHS trusts with higher empathy ratings also benefit financially and have improved staff wellbeing Patients and staff fare better at hospitals that rank highly on empathy, research suggests, with institutions also benefiting financially by spending less on agency staff, locums and consultants. The finding comes from the first study to rate NHS trusts in England according to an empathy score that is drawn from information on the organisation’s culture, leadership behaviour and practitioner empathy, among other factors. Continue reading...
Airstrikes in south of country kill nine people and wound another 150, most of them medical staff Middle East crisis – live updates Three hospitals in southern Lebanon have been attacked by Israel in under a week, wounding more than 150 people and killing nine, according to Lebanon’s ministry of health. Israel carried out an attack in the immediate vicinity of the public hospital in Tebnine on Wednesday, just days after strikes next to the Hiram and Jabal Amel hospitals in Tyre. The attack next to Jabal Amel on Monday killed four people and injured 127 – most of whom were medical staff. Continue reading...
At least 21 people, including 18 foreign nationals, were killed in a fire at a hotel in New Delhi on Wednesday, police and broadcaster CNN-News18 said, in one of the worst such incidents in the national capital since 2022. The dead included people from Bangladesh, Nigeria, Mozambique and Liberia, the broadcaster said. Building fires are common in India due to a lack of firefighting equipment and routine disregard for safety regulations. The fire broke out in the morning at Flourish Stay, a bed-and-breakfast in a congested neighbourhood in the south of the city, Delhi Police said in a statement. “It is with profound sorrow that 21 persons have been declared dead in this tragic incident,” the force said. Reuters could not immediately confirm the nationalities of the victims. Several people had jumped out of the burning building in South Delhi’s Malviya Nagar to escape the flames, witnesses said, with residents dragging mattresses from a nearby store to try to break their fall. “People spread mattresses, and a woman from the third floor jumped on it with a little kid,” witness Sher Khan said. Television footage showed two people jumping from a higher floor of the building as it was engulfed in flames, with smoke billowing out. Local people who helped in the initial rescue said the fire broke out on the ground and first floors of the four-storey building, trapping those on higher floors. “There is a mattress shop here … We took the mattresses from there and laid them on the road to help those who were jumping out of the building,” Wasim Raja, a local resident, told news agency ANI. The police force said rescue and search operations were continuing, with more than 40 people taken to nearby hospitals for treatment. The blaze was eventually brought under control with the help of eight fire engines, police said. “All concerned agencies remain deployed at the spot to ensure every possible assistance to those affected,” the force added. Prime Minister Narendra Modi called the incident “tragic”. “My condolences to those who have lost their loved ones,” his office said in a statement on X. The cause of the fire was not immediately clear. Electrical short circuits, often caused by poorly maintained wiring, remain the leading cause of fire incidents in India. In March, a fire at a government-run hospital in eastern India killed at least 10 critically ill patients.
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It took eight fire engines to extinguish the blaze, as more than 40 people were rescued and taken to nearby hospitals.