Le Parisien
중도 성향
기타
"GLEMENT" · 총 30건
필터 보기현재 지수
50.2
0 = 부정 우세
50 = 중립
100 = 긍정 우세
최근 7일 기준 74,568건을 분석한 결과, 뉴스 심리지수는 50.2(균형)입니다. 긍정 3,730건(5.0%)·중립 69,020건(92.6%)·부정 1,818건(2.4%)이며, 중립 비중이 뚜렷하게 높습니다. 성향 지수는 종합 15.2(중도 균형)입니다.
La cofondatrice du mouvement L'Après réclame une réglementation plus stricte et appelle à "transformer notre système alimentaire" avec "des politiques publiques qui encouragent à produire sain".
La piste d'un règlement de compte est notamment envisagée, d'après le parquet.
Le syndicat appelle à un rassemblement devant le siège du gestionnaire du réseau électrique. L’entreprise invoque de son côté son obligation de neutralité religieuse, inscrite depuis janvier dans son règlement intérieur.
La direction du gestionnaire des lignes à haute tension réfute toute «position idéologique» et assure que «l’obligation de neutralité» à laquelle est soumise une entreprise publique comme RTE, a été a été formalisée dans règlement intérieur.
Âgés de 17 à 19 ans, les suspects auraient séquestré deux garçons de 14 et 16 ans dans des conditions éprouvantes, début janvier. D’après les enquêteurs, il se serait agi d’un règlement de comptes sur fond de narcotrafic.
THIS graph shows personal remittances as a percentage of Pakistan’s GDP since the late 1970s.—Source: World Bank, SBP data • Ex-finance minister Hafeez Pasha says foreign inflows could encourage disproportionate investment in real-estate • 1970s oil imbroglio marked the beginning of labour emigration to Gulf, while current crisis could spell its end • PIDE sees around a million workers’ livelihoods being affected if conflict prolongs ONLINE listings for properties in Punjab districts like Mandi Bahauddin and Gujrat yield images of Spanish-style villas, fully decked out with opulent fittings and European design flourishes. This stylised approach to construction is quite deliberate and reflects the social status that comes with having a ‘Kamanay Wala’ (earning member) abroad. In many families, at least one offspring is abroad, creating an alternative source of income that, in many cases, has reduced the incentive to further develop the district’s fertile agricultural land for those that still dwell there. Mandi Bahauddin particularly is one of many districts where household prosperity is closely tied to money sent from overseas. Saying that remittances are Pakistan’s lifeline is no exaggeration. Released in May, the State of Pakistan’s Economy Half-Year Report 2025-26 projects remittances at up to $42 billion this fiscal year, compared to exports of $30.5bn. At the macroeconomic level, remittances help keep the current account deficit in check. At the household level, they act as an essential safety net, providing direct cash support to families. However, cash in hand at the household level tends to drive spending rather than investment in productive activities. Pakistan’s reliance on remittances has laid the foundation for a form of ‘Dutch disease’, where the economy depends on inflows that fuel demand rather than production. The State Bank reports also note that remittances increase currency in circulation, as recipients convert inflows into physical cash for day-to-day expenditures. Data from the Household Integrated Economic Survey FY25 shows that remittances have risen from five per cent to 7.8pc as a source of household income. While this helps households smooth spending during periods of economic stress, it also increases their exposure to external shocks that can suddenly disrupt these inflows. Remittances and real estate Research by the Pakistan Institute of Development Economics indicates that a significant share of remittances is channelled into property and real estate. Anecdotally and empirically, this holds up; the dominant motive behind the decision to migrate is to improve the socio-economic status of the family, which investments in property demonstrate. Nor is Pakistan unique in this regard. India, the world’s largest recipient of remittances, received $136bn in FY25, more than three times Pakistan’s inflows. Non-resident Indians have also become increasingly active in the property market. According to the India Brand Equity Foundation, their share of real-estate investment has risen from 10-12pc in 2019 to a possible all-time high of 20pc in 2025. While property investments are a common feature of remittances, Pakistan faces another conundrum. Former finance minister Hafeez Pasha argues that Pakistan’s real-estate sector neither contributes adequately to tax revenues nor operates fully within the formal economy, yet continues to attract a disproportionate share of investment. “About a decade ago, investment in industry and manufacturing was two and a half times that of real estate. Today, you have the strange situation that real estate is over twice that of industry,” he says, though not solely because of remittances. There are six real estate and property-related taxes, he notes, yet total revenue collection amounts to only 0.2pc of GDP, despite a potential of around 0.8pc. Urban immovable property tax collection in Karachi, for example, generates roughly ten times less revenue than Mumbai in dollar terms because of severe under-taxation, he adds. Oil giveth, oil taketh One oil shock’s legacy, involving the US’s long-standing entanglement with oil markets and support for Israel, was the start of Pakistan’s emigration story. This was also the start of the country’s reliance on remittances. But another such oil shock, involving similar geopolitical players, may well mark the beginning of the end of the Pakistanis-in-Gulf fairy-tale. In 1973, Arab members of Opec imposed an oil embargo on the US in retaliation for its support for Israel. The resulting shock saw prices jump from around $3 to nearly $12 per barrel. The sudden influx of petrodollars supercharged growth across the Gulf, triggering massive infrastructure projects that required large volumes of blue-collar labour. In Pakistan, this coincided with a period of sweeping nationalisation under Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, which pushed unemployment higher at a time when passage to Gulf countries was relatively easy to obtain. Hence, Pakistani labour moved in large numbers to the region, driving remittances to a peak as a percentage of GDP in 1983. The ratio fell steadily through the late 1980s and 1990s as oil prices fell, Gulf countries cut construction projects, and demand for Pakistani labour declined. Pakistan’s nuclear tests in 1998 led to sanctions. Pakistan froze foreign currency accounts, trapping diaspora savings deposited in Pakistani banks and eroding confidence in formal channels, leading to a boom in hawala/hundi. Then came 9/11, leading to a global crackdown on informal channels. Pakistan also became a front-line state in the ‘War on Terror’, leading to the lifting of sanctions. The drive by the authorities in recent years to regularise and incentivise remittances has led to flows back into formal channels. Returning labour External shocks — particularly movements in oil prices and developments in the Gulf — have historically shaped Pakistan’s remittance story. The Middle East accounts for roughly 55pc of Pakistan’s remittances and absorbs between 700,000 and 800,000 new Pakistani workers each year. The ongoing conflict involving Iran, the United States and Israel has damaged infrastructure, disrupted energy markets and introduced fresh uncertainty across the region, reducing demand for Pakistani labour. A recent policy viewpoint by the Pakistan Institute of Development Economics estimates that if the conflict is prolonged, around half a million Pakistani workers may be unable to secure overseas employment this year, while another half a million could be forced to return home. Such a reversal would have serious implications for Pakistan’s labour market, particularly in KP and Punjab, where overseas migration traditionally absorbs nearly one-third of new labour-force entrants. The flow of money that transformed villages, financed homes and underpinned aspirations for generations may no longer be as certain as it once seemed. Published in Dawn, June 4th, 2026
Jusqu’alors pays le plus permissif en la matière, la France s’est dotée ce mercredi 3 juin de l’une des meilleures réglementations européennes sur le taux de cadmium autorisé dans les engrais agricoles.
Alerté en 2019 par les autorités sanitaires sur les dangers de ce métal toxique, l’Etat n’a jamais durci sa réglementation sur les engrais. Le nouvel arrêté défendu par l’exécutif envisage d’abaisser les seuils jusqu’en… 2038, après des années de projets avortés, révèle le média «Vert».
L’eurodéputé français a porté ce texte permettant d’expulser les étrangers entrés sur le sol européen de manière irrégulière. Il y voit une avancée majeure pour sortir de décennies d’impuissance.
ENTRETIEN - L’Europe doit devenir indépendante sur le plan énergétique, déréglementer ses marchés et améliorer son environnement des affaires, explique l’économiste.
Faute de contexte favorable ou de consensus possible sur les mesures les plus percutantes, la réforme du règlement de l’Assemblée devrait être moins ambitieuse que ne le souhaitait Yaël Braun-Pivet initialement.
TWENTY-eight years after the nuclear tests at Chagai, the strategic environment in South Asia has shifted dramatically. The assumptions that shaped Pakistan’s deterrence posture in 1998, and the paradigm shift from ‘Credible Minimum Deterrence’ to ‘Full-Spectrum Deterrence’, were rooted in visions of a conventional invasion, mass mobilisation and large-scale armoured thrusts across the border. In contrast, the modern battlefield looks very different today. The war in Ukraine, the Azerbaijan-Armenia conflict, the Iran-US/Israel war and — most importantly for Pakistan — the May 2025 India-Pakistan conflict, have demonstrated how precision missiles, armed drones, electronic warfare, satellite enabled surveillance and integrated air defence systems are reshaping escalation dynamics. Speaking over the weekend at the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore, Lt Gen Nauman Zakaria — commander of the 1 Corps who was introduced at the conference as the commander of the newly-raised Army Rocket Force Command — warned that emerging technologies were creating “new vulnerabilities… risk of miscalculation… [and a] compression of decision making timelines” that have altered “the nature of interstate conflict and strategic deterrence”. Raising of new rocket force signals a significant strategic shift, as precision weapons compress decision timelines and blur the line between conventional and nuclear signalling in South Asia This echoes what many view as the most important lesson from the May 2025 conflict: it was not that nuclear weapons failed; rather that they worked, but only in a limited sense. They prevented full-scale war, but did not stop sustained military confrontation involving missiles, drones, air operations, electronic disruption and naval signalling under the nuclear shadow. Reflecting on the May 2025 conflict, Lt Gen Zakaria said Pakistan’s response had “effectively debunked the notion of space for war in South Asia”. Historically, Pakistan’s deterrence posture has adapted to shifts in Indian military doctrine. ‘Credible Minimum Deterrence’ gave way to ‘Full-Spectrum Deterrence’ after India developed the ‘Cold Start’ concept, prompting Islamabad to lower the nuclear threshold through systems such as Nasr. But while Pakistan adjusted to the threat of limited ground incursions, India moved towards precision strikes, drones and standoff capabilities, as seen in Balakot in 2019, and the May 2025 conflict. Subsequent events showed that even the “quid-pro-quo plus” approach adopted after 2016, which sought to impose higher costs on Indian military action, has not fully denied New Delhi room for limited operations below the level of full scale war. To put it simply, India continues to look for ways to apply military pressure without triggering the nuclear escalation ladder. Here, Pakistan now faces an important doctrinal question. While nuclear weapons remain the ultimate guarantor against existential threats, they are no longer the only instruments available for imposing costs or shaping an adversary’s behaviour during a crisis. Pakistani strategists appear to recognise this shift. Prof Dr Adil Sultan, who is dean at the Faculty of Aerospace and Strategic Studies at Air University, argued that the impact of emerging technologies and the lessons of the May 2025 conflict highlight the need to “reconceptualise” existing notions of strategic stability. The creation of the Army Rocket Force Command is perhaps the clearest indication that Rawalpindi is building a stronger conventional deterrent layer. Lt Gen Zakaria has been emphatic that the force is “a strictly conventional force” with a command structure entirely separate from Pakistan’s nuclear forces. Moreover, the modernisation of systems like the Fatah missile series — whose fourth iteration was test-fired a fortnight ago — and efforts to improve precision strike capabilities clearly show that conventional missile forces are now being viewed not merely as battlefield assets, but rather strategic instruments in and of themselves. Dr Rabia Akhtar, a visiting fellow of the Harvard Kennedy School-based Project on Managing the Atom, sees the creation of the National Strategic Command and Rocket Force Command as recognition that “conventional deterrence is becoming increasingly important” and could provide decision makers “a wider range of conventional response options” before reaching the nuclear threshold. The reasoning is straightforward. If precision conventional systems can deliver calibrated but meaningful military effects, they reduce the requirement for early nuclear signalling and raise the practical threshold for nuclear use. It also means doctrines framed around tactical nuclear use for battlefield denial may no longer correspond fully to the realities of the evolving battlespace. Pakistan, therefore, may need to reconsider whether the existing formulation of ‘Full-Spectrum Deterrence’, or for that matter, the “quid-pro-quo plus” approach still reflects the strategic environment of 2026 or whether parts of it belong more to the threat perceptions of the mid-2000s. Ambassador Zamir Akram, an adviser to the Strategic Plans Division, noted: “Space for conventional warfare has increased and raised the nuclear threshold”. Yet, he also cautioned that new technologies have created greater “entanglement of conventional and strategic weapons”, making escalation faster and harder to control. The argument that conventional deterrence needs to be given greater importance does not suggest abandoning nuclear deterrence or pursuing unrealistic conventional parity with India. Indeed, Pakistan’s nuclear capability remains indispensable as the ultimate safeguard against existential coercion, but there is a growing case for recalibrating the relationship between nuclear and conventional deterrence. One reason is the growing danger of ambiguity in a battlefield increasingly shaped by speed, automation and dual capable systems. Modern warfare compresses timelines, blurs signalling and increases the risk of misreading intentions. Pakistan’s traditional policy of strategic ambiguity served an important purpose when the objective was to create uncertainty in the adversary’s calculations. Syed Ali Zia Jaffery, deputy director at the University of Lahore’s Centre for Security, Strategy and Policy Research, argued that while “calculated strategic ambiguity is still a critical part of deterrence”, there is also a need for “more emphasis” on strengthening conventional deterrence. “It would act as a clear signal that Pakistan will counter India’s efforts to create a new normal in South Asia. While nuclear deterrence has delivered what it is expected and designed to do, the past two crises underscore the significance of the other planks of deterrence,” Jaffery maintained. The May 2025 conflict demonstrated that limited war under the nuclear shadow is now a practical reality rather than a theoretical possibility. One implication is that Pakistan may require a more carefully layered deterrence architecture in which strong conventional capabilities form the first line of deterrence, while nuclear forces remain the ultimate backstop against existential threats. Published in Dawn, June 1st, 2026
DÉCRYPTAGE - La guerre de territoire que se livrent les narcotrafiquants à Lyon depuis plusieurs semaines a franchi un cap dans la violence, faisant une demi-douzaine de victimes en un mois, dont plusieurs innocents, dans un contexte de lutte acharnée pour les points de deal les plus lucratifs.
RÉCIT - L’ours multiplie les attaques, parfois mortelles, contre l’homme. Derrière cette agressivité, la dépopulation et le dérèglement climatique qui frappent l’Archipel.
Washington wants to keep global primacy while shedding its burdens. The result is deeper entanglement and strategic decline Read Full Article at RT.com
Where does the data come from? What do the matches mean? What errors exist? And what does the date of joining reveal about entanglement with Hitler’s regime? Here you can find the answers to the most important questions about the Nazi card file.
United States President Donald Trump finds himself in a bind as he seeks to end the war against Iran: he is under pressure to reopen the Strait of Hormuz and get US gasoline prices down, but at the same time faces a potential backlash from Iran hawks in his own party over any concessions to Tehran. Trump’s dilemma became clear during a week of hectic diplomacy marked by word of an emerging framework deal that, according to sources familiar with the matter, would extend a current ceasefire and release Iran’s stranglehold on the vital oil-shipping route while deferring discussions of its nuclear programme. Such an interim agreement, if approved by Trump and Iran’s rulers, would amount to the most significant step toward peace since he joined with Israel in attacking Iran on February 28, and could ease the soaring energy prices the conflict has triggered. But it could also draw the disapproval of a key segment of Trump’s base — influential Republicans clamouring for him to “finish the job” by resuming strikes to close Tehran’s path to a nuclear weapon, his main stated reason for going to war. Earlier this week, some of Trump’s hardline anti-Iran allies responded to reports of a possible deal with criticism, even arguing that he might gain little beyond the 2015 Iran nuclear deal negotiated by former president Barack Obama and scrapped by Trump during his first term. Senior Republicans rarely at odds with Trump, including Senators Lindsey Graham, Roger Wicker and Ted Cruz, urged the president not to compromise. Trump pushed back, insisting he was in “no rush” and would only accept a “great” agreement. Caught between the competing demands — a quick solution to high gas prices and an end to Iran’s nuclear ambitions — the president has little room to manoeuvre. “Trump’s rhetorical swings and abrupt reversals of the past week suggest a president trying to park a wide war in a tight spot,” said Laura Blumenfeld, a Middle East expert at Johns Hopkins University. A White House official said that “negotiations are proceeding nicely and he has made his redlines clear”. “President Trump will only make a good deal for the American people, which must ensure that Iran can never have a nuclear weapon,” the official said on condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive internal matters. Unanswered questions Leaks to the media on Thursday about the terms of the “memorandum of understanding (MoU)“ suggest the proposed deal leaves many of the thorniest questions unanswered. Those include what the strait’s long-term status will be, what will happen to Iran’s stockpile of near-weapons-grade enriched uranium and the details of potential sanctions relief. The emerging framework, while averting military escalation, would at this stage fall far short of Trump’s earlier demand for “unconditional surrender” and his vow to dismantle Iran’s nuclear programme. Iran has insisted it is only for peaceful purposes. “If these terms are accurate and if a deal is concluded, the Islamic Republic appears to be getting more in the MOU than the US,” Jason Brodsky, policy director of United Against Nuclear Iran, a nonprofit policy organisation, said on X. “A pledge for more nuclear talks? Be wary.” Iran’s Tasnim news agency said the text of the agreement had not been finalised. Trump has several times before said a deal was close, and there was no guarantee that the latest effort would succeed where others have not. This week’s diplomatic flurry has played out against the backdrop of a fresh but limited exchange of strikes that has strained the fragile truce between the US and Iran. Analysts say Trump appears to be trying to find a balance between getting Iran to give ground on key issues while in return offering only limited compromises that will still allow him to frame the outcome as a win. Getting the strait reopened would be welcomed internationally, but Trump would just be regaining the free flow of shipping that existed before he started the war. Meanwhile, the political and economic clocks are ticking for the president, whose public approval ratings have hit new lows. Midterm elections are looming in November, with his fellow Republicans struggling to maintain control of Congress, and new assessments suggest that if the conflict continues, there will be deep damage to the global economy. Trump dismisses midterms Iran appears to be seeking some easing of sanctions up-front to boost its crippled economy, which Trump critics fear he may be unable to resist in pursuit of a war-ending deal. But at a cabinet meeting on Wednesday, Trump seemed to respond to his critics by reiterating maximalist positions and insisting he didn’t care about the midterms. His aides have privately expressed concern that high gasoline prices could damage Republicans’ electoral prospects. Iran has shown it is confident it has the upper hand, having proved it can survive the military onslaught and throttle one fifth of the world’s oil supplies, analysts say. “The president gives every sign of wanting this over soon,“ said Jon Alterman of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies think tank. That makes the Iranians dig in their heels. The past week’s whiplash was nothing new for a president who campaigned promising to stay out of unnecessary wars, only to take the US into a foreign entanglement without clearly articulating the rationale. How he decides to end the conflict is expected to be a major factor in defining his second-term foreign policy legacy, analysts say.
Sen. Elizabeth Warren has a few questions for the head of ICE. On Wednesday, the Massachusetts Democrat sent a letter to David Venturella, the new acting director of Immigration and Customs Enforcement, asking him to disclose any financial entanglements with the private prison giant GEO Group, where Venturella previously worked. GEO Group is a major […]
Un mois après la polémique qui a opposé la marque de rôtisserie en pleine expansion et le maire de Saint-Ouen-sur-Seine Karim Bouamrane, le philosophe éclaire un angle mort de cette affaire : celui de la cause animale.