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Minister teases possible cabinet role for labor leader Said Iqbal
State Secretariat Minister Prasetyo Hadi hinted at the possibility of Labor Party President Said Iqbal joining the Red ...
"HADI" · 총 100건
필터 보기현재 지수
50.3
0 = 부정 우세
50 = 중립
100 = 긍정 우세
최근 7일 기준 81,392건을 분석한 결과, 뉴스 심리지수는 50.3(균형)입니다. 긍정 4,206건(5.2%)·중립 75,115건(92.3%)·부정 2,071건(2.5%)이며, 중립 비중이 뚜렷하게 높습니다. 성향 지수는 종합 14.6(중도 균형)입니다.
State Secretariat Minister Prasetyo Hadi hinted at the possibility of Labor Party President Said Iqbal joining the Red ...
Dua pemimpin utama PAS dilapor hadir pertemuan itu di sebuah hotel di Kuala Lumpur di mana turut menjadi lokasi mesyuarat Biro Politik Umno.
MARANG, June 5 — PAS president Tan Sri Abdul Hadi Awang has confirmed that leaders from PAS and Umno have met, as...
Two senior leaders reportedly attended the meeting at a hotel in KL where Umno's political bureau also met.
The Headquarters, Joint Task Force (North East), Operation HADIN KAI (OPHK), under Operation DESERT SANITY V/SIEGE OPERATIONS, has rescued civilians abducted by Boko Haram/ISWAP terrorists during an attack on Ngoshe community in Gwoza Local Government Area of Borno State. The post Troops rescue abductees, arrest Boko Haram collaborators in Borno appeared first on Vanguard News.
A collage showing slain Noor Mukaddam and her killer Zahir Jaffer. — X@hadiahabib27/AFP/FileAdvocate Khawaja Haris represents Zahir as his counsel.Three-member bench led by Justice Hashim Kakar hears case.Noor was tortured, killed in July 2021, sparking nationwide outrage.<p...
ISLAMABAD: The Federal Constitutional Court (FCC) on Thursday ruled that directions to the high courts for expeditious decisions in pending matters by superior courts should be issued sparingly and couched in appropriate words. The judgement comes against the backdrop of a recent petition by the National Cyber Crime Investigation Agency (NCCIA) before the Supreme Court challenging its May 12, 2026 direction to the Islamabad High Court (IHC) for deciding in two weeks the sentence suspension pleas of human rights lawyers Imaan Zainab Mazari-Hazir and Hadi Ali Chattha in the controversial social media posts case. The NCCIA had also requested the SC to recall and withdraw that order to help preserve the “sanctity and independence of the judiciary, maintaining equality among citizens and avoiding discrimination”. According to a three-page order by Justice Aamer Farooq, issued in deciding a dispute between the Gujranwala Electric Power Company (Gepco) and Master Tiles and Ceramics Industries Ltd, it was held that high courts have their independent roster and case management schemes along with a policy for fixation of cases. It said that any order or direction, which superimposes case fixation, amounts to intrusion in the judicial and administrative independence of high court. The petitioner, Gepco, had challenged the July 10, 2025 order of the IHC before FCC, contending that the Attorney General Office was not competent to give consent on behalf of the petitioner in the proceedings before IHC, as the power company was an independent entity to be represented in the court of law by the counsel of its own choice. On the other hand, Master Tiles and Ceramics, the respondents, had argued that it was not their fault that the consent was given by the Attorney General Office; however, it submitted that if the FCC was inclined to remit the matter back to the IHC, an appropriate direction for expeditious disposal of the case should also be made. Justice Farooq, who headed the two-judge FCC bench along with Justice Syed Arshad Hussain Shah, however, set aside the IHC order with directions that the writ petitions filed by Master Tiles will be deemed to be pending before the IHC. It is expected that the case shall be taken up at the earliest, keeping in view the urgency involved in the matter, the FCC said. In the judgement, Justice Farooq held that the scheme of judicature as provided in the Constitution suggested that there were five independent high courts in the country created under the Constitution. “The high court, so created, is an independent constitutional court and is not subordinate to either the SC or FCC; however, in the scheme of arrangement, district judiciary and such other courts are subordinate to the respective high court as per Article 203 of the Constitution,” it said. All decisions of the high court are challengeable before the SC or the FCC, which does not make the referred court subordinate in any manner, he observed. Justice Farooq emphasised that adding any order or direction, which superimposes such policy or case fixation, amounts to intrusion in the judicial and administrative independence of such courts. Undoubtedly, at times, exigency or emergency of the lis demands that on remission, the matter be heard by the respective high court at an early date, but such observations must be couched in appropriate words and should not be in a way to affect independence of the high court, observed Justice Farooq. Even otherwise, generally directions issued are administrative in nature rather than judicial, where even a high court issues directions to the trial courts/subordinate courts, the same are administrative in nature and do not warrant any consequence but are recommendatory, asking the courts to take up the matter in priority keeping in view the urgent nature of the case/lis, Justice Farooq explained. Justice Farooq observed that the FCC agreed that the assistant attorney general, in the facts and circumstances, was not competent to give consent on behalf of the petitioner company regarding disposal of the writ petition pending before the IHC. The order stated that requests for the issuance of directions to the high courts for early disposal of cases were being made with considerable frequency, and such orders were passed by the superior courts issuing directions for early decisions.
For over two decades, Pakistan has been locked in a war, not of its choosing but one that it cannot escape. Long after the withdrawal of Western forces from Afghanistan in August 2021, Pakistan continues to absorb the strategic shockwaves of a conflict whose centre of gravity may have shifted, but not disappeared. The return of the Taliban to power in Kabul has transformed the security landscape of South and Central Asia, with Pakistan bearing the most immediate and severe consequences. This is not merely a bilateral problem between neighbours. It is a global security challenge with implications stretching from West Asia to Europe, amid growing international concern over Afghanistan becoming a renewed militant hub. Pakistan’s role in the post-9/11 international order was clear and costly. As a frontline partner of the United States and Nato, Pakistan provided intelligence cooperation, logistics, and sustained military operations against Al Qaeda and affiliated networks. It was later designated a Major Non-Nato Ally, reflecting its centrality to global counterterrorism efforts. Yet, while international forces eventually exited Afghanistan, Pakistan’s war did not end. Instead, it evolved into a long war of attrition aimed at preventing the spillover of militancy from Afghan territory into the region and beyond. The cost Pakistan has paid is extraordinary. Over the past two decades, approximately 100,000 Pakistanis have lost their lives to terrorism, including civilians, security personnel, and children, most tragically symbolised by the massacre at the Army Public School in Peshawar. The site of a truck bomb attack on the Marriott hotel in Islamabad on September 20, 2008. — Reuters/File The economic toll exceeds $150 billion, encompassing destroyed infrastructure, lost investment, and enduring reputational damage. These figures are not abstractions; they represent one of the highest sacrifices borne by any country in the global war on terror. Over the years, Pakistan has pursued a sustained counterterrorism strategy. It dismantled major terrorist sanctuaries through sequential operations, strengthened its legal framework via the Anti-Terrorism Act and National Action Plan, operationalised dedicated counterterrorism institutions, and imposed financial controls to disrupt terrorist funding. By the late 2010s, violence had dropped sharply, and Pakistan had rebuilt a measure of internal security through institutional resilience rather than episodic force. That progress has been severely undermined by the Taliban’s return to power. Despite commitments under the 2020 Doha framework to prevent Afghan soil from being used against other states, militancy accelerated after the release of thousands of prisoners and the collapse of the Afghan republic. Today, Afghanistan has once again become a permissive environment for transnational jihadist groups, as documented by the United Nations Monitoring teams, contradicting the Doha pledge that Afghan soil would not be used to threaten the security of the United States and its allies. What makes the current situation uniquely dangerous is that the Taliban are no longer an insurgent movement operating from the shadows; they control an entire state. They possess territory, resources, institutions, and an education system that is being systematically redesigned to serve ideological ends. Analysts warn that this form of state capture amounts to long-term societal engineering with consequences that do not remain confined to one country. For Pakistan, the impact is direct and violent. Afghan soil is being used as a launchpad for cross-border terrorism. Pakistani authorities have identified camps, staging areas, and logistics nodes inside Afghanistan operated by the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and other groups. Leaders of the TTP terror outfit operate openly from Afghan cities, enjoying protection and material support. A security personnel stands guard at an imambargah following an explosion, in Islamabad on February 6, 2026. — AFP/File In 2025 alone, Pakistan conducted more than 75,000 intelligence-based operations across the country, dismantling terrorist formations and neutralising militants. A striking proportion of those involved were Afghan nationals, reflecting the depth of Afghan-side involvement in anti-Pakistan terrorism. This has repeatedly surfaced in international reporting as Pakistan confronted a sustained spike in attacks and arrests tied to cross-border militant facilitation. Pakistan’s geographic exposure magnifies the threat. It shares a 2,670-kilometre border — by far the longest of any neighbouring state. The border cuts through rugged terrain and dense kinship networks, which are routinely exploited by militant groups for infiltration, making Pakistan the primary firewall against the westward diffusion of jihadist violence. The notion that Pakistan can be destabilised without broader repercussions is therefore dangerously myopic. Policies that tolerate, enable, or instrumentalise militant proxies against Pakistan may appear tactically convenient to some regional actors, but they undermine collective security. Terrorist ecosystems, once empowered, rarely remain controllable. As global benchmarking shows, Pakistan continues to rank among the states most affected by terrorism, reinforcing the scale of the threat confronting it. Afghanistan’s transformation into a hub for transnational militancy is now acknowledged not only by Pakistan but by Russia, China, Iran, Central Asian states, as well as UN monitoring bodies. The problem is no longer one of competing narratives; it is a documented security reality, as international reporting continues to describe Afghanistan as a post-withdrawal magnet for armed networks. Despite immense pressure, Pakistan has consistently chosen engagement over abandonment. When Kabul fell in 2021, and much of the international community closed its embassies, Pakistan kept its mission open and facilitated evacuations. Defence Minister Khawaja Asif and Afghan Defence Minister Maulvi Sahib Muhammad Yaqub Mujahid shake hands after signing a ceasefire deal between Pakistan and Afghanistan in Doha, Qatar on October 19, 2025. — X/@KhawajaMAsif/File It has advocated for humanitarian support to the Afghan people, called for the unfreezing of Afghan assets to prevent economic collapse, and invested in trade, transit, and border mechanisms to stabilise livelihoods. Pakistan has also hosted millions of Afghan refugees for decades, absorbing a humanitarian burden that few states would tolerate, even though it is not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention. These actions underscore a central truth: Pakistan’s objective is not confrontation with Afghanistan but containment of a threat that endangers the region and the world. Yet engagement without accountability has limits. The Taliban’s failure to take verifiable action against terrorist groups operating from Afghan soil has turned Afghanistan into a net exporter of insecurity. Major reporting has consistently linked Afghanistan’s permissive environment with the rising tempo of attacks in Pakistan. Allowing this trajectory to continue unchecked risks recreating the pre-9/11 environment — this time with more sophisticated networks, advanced weaponry left behind after the Western withdrawal, and digital tools that accelerate recruitment and radicalisation. Evidence of ideological-military institutionalisation is increasingly visible, including reports of new militant training camps in Afghanistan linked to Taliban factions and allied groups. For major powers, the strategic implications are clear. Supporting Pakistan in its efforts to eradicate cross-border terrorism is not a favour; it is a strategic necessity that requires intelligence cooperation, diplomatic backing, and coordinated international pressure on the Taliban to honour their commitments, dismantle terrorist sanctuaries, and end cross-border militancy. The alternative strategic neglect or proxy-driven destabilisation would be far costlier. Pakistan’s war on terror has never been only Pakistan’s war. It has been fought, often quietly and at enormous human cost, on behalf of a global order that depends on preventing ungoverned or ideologically weaponised spaces from becoming incubators of transnational violence. Pakistan’s 2025 operational tempo and threat environment have been extensively documented in international reporting tracking the resurgence of militant violence. If the international community fails to recognise this reality, it risks learning once again, perhaps too late, that terrorism ignored at its source rarely stays there. The warning is no longer theoretical: international reports increasingly describe Afghanistan’s post-2021 environment as a convergence space for armed networks with regional reach, reinforcing the urgency of collective action against the renewed Afghanistan-based militant threat. The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Dawn.
Motorcycles are the preferred means of transport for jihadist groups in Mali, which has been plunged into a security crisis as jihadists blockade its capital Bamako. The post Mali bans use of motorcycles outside major cities appeared first on Vanguard News.
State Secretary Minister Prasetyo Hadi said the government respects the legal process involving Deputy Minister of ...
The Opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi parties, on the other hand, are grappling with withdrawals and disqualification of their official nominees
The report said the first welfare flight for June conveyed 174 personnel into the Operation Hadin Kai theatre, while 158 personnel were airlifted out. The post Nigerian Army rotates more soldiers fighting Boko Haram – Official appeared first on Premium Times Nigeria.
Investigado por estupro contra a filha de 9 anos é preso dentro de caminhão em Santos, SP Um homem foi preso por estupro de vulnerável contra a própria filha, de nove anos, em Santos, no litoral de São Paulo. Segundo apurado pelo g1 nesta quarta-feira (3), o crime chegou à Polícia Civil após a criança contar o ocorrido para a mãe, que é esposa do investigado. As imagens mostram o momento em que o homem foi abordado por policiais enquanto trabalhava como caminhoneiro, no bairro Alemoa, na terça-feira (2). A identidade dele foi editada para que a vítima não seja identificada e a defesa não foi localizada até a última atualização desta reportagem. ✅Clique aqui para seguir o canal do g1 Santos no WhatsApp. Investigado por estupro contra a filha de 9 anos é preso em Santos, SP Reprodução Crime De acordo com a Polícia Civil, a criança ligou para a mãe, que estava trabalhando, e disse que não queria mais ficar sozinha com o pai. A mulher correu para a casa da família, onde foi informada pela menina de que os abusos estavam acontecendo há aproximadamente um mês. Ainda segundo a corporação, o homem confessou o crime ao ser confrontado pela esposa, que o expulsou de casa e levou imediatamente a filha para registrar um boletim de ocorrência na Delegacia de Defesa da Mulher (DDM) de Santos, no dia 18 de maio. Prisão Investigado por estupro contra a filha de 9 anos é preso em Santos, SP Reprodução A delegada titular da DDM de Santos, Mayla Hadid, explicou ao g1 que as equipes tentaram prender o homem em flagrante ainda no dia da denúncia, mas ele conseguiu fugir. Conforme apurado pela TV Tribuna, afiliada da Globo, o exame de corpo de delito confirmou que a criança havia sido abusada sexualmente. Por esse motivo, a delegada representou pela prisão temporária do investigado, que foi concedida pela Justiça de Santos. Policiais da DDM de Santos e da Delegacia Sede de Cubatão (SP) cumpriram a ordem judicial nesta terça-feira. O homem foi preso dentro do caminhão, enquanto realizava transporte de cargas (veja acima). A Polícia Civil informou que dois celulares foram apreendidos. O homem foi encaminhado ao sistema prisional, onde permanecerá à disposição da Justiça para o prosseguimento das investigações. Investigado por estupro contra a filha de 9 anos é preso em Santos, SP Reprodução Denúncia A delegada Mayla Hadid destacou que os crimes dessa natureza costumam ser praticados por pessoas próximas às vítimas. "É importante conversar com as crianças sobre os limites do corpo e quais partes podem ser tocadas. É importante observar o comportamento das crianças, os sinais. Uma queda no rendimento escolar, uma mudança brusca de comportamento, a criança fica mais triste, com raiva". Caso ocorra uma revelação de abuso, Mayla orienta que os adultos acolham e protejam as crianças. "Sem dizer frases como 'você tem certeza do que está dizendo?' ou 'isso é muito grave', para que a criança não se sinta culpada por aquilo que já está acontecendo", destacou a delegada. VÍDEOS: g1 em 1 minuto Santos
Troops of Operation Hadin Kai has intensified operations in the North-East, neutralising more than 50 terrorists, including a top ISWAP commander, and arresting multiple collaborators across Borno. The post Troops kill 50 terrorists, top ISWAP commander in north-east appeared first on Vanguard News.
Bekas ketua pesuruhjaya SPRM tiba kira-kira 9 pagi tadi dan beri kerjasama penuh kepada pegawai penyiasat.
Written in breathless multilingual prose, this coming-of-age meets state-of-the-nation novel is an incredible literary performance Three twentysomethings “drive and dream of an impossible night on an endless street. moving as a massive through mad sticky traffic, destination: where else? manchester, wilmslow road, the curry mile, yo!” Thus opens Sufiyaan Salam’s high-octane debut novel, written largely in gen Z lowercase – and you’re in for a ride. The Boyz are British Pakistani friends in their early 20s. Immy is “something of a bad-boy muslim slut who don’t never text back”; Khan is “the mogul mowgli himself … the type to recite Warren Buffett epigrams like they’re hadiths”; and Haris has “a mind that never switches off, philosophy subreddits doing bares”. Each is looking for an escape – from their past, present, someone else, or themselves – and they come together for one night “cruising and bruising in a hire car towards what might just be the natural elastic endpoint of a friendship beginning to fray”. Continue reading...
State Secretary Minister Prasetyo Hadi stressed that the change in the National Nutrition Agency (BGN) leadership will ...
‘FUNDING, funding and regular funding’ is what Pakistani women athletes say they need most to compete internationally. Talent alone, they point out, cannot take them to the world stage; it must be backed by quality equipment, top-notch coaching, proper training facilities, nutrition and the means to travel and compete. For most athletes, both male and female, except those supported by the departmental sports system such as the Pakistan Army, Wapda, the Higher Education Commission, National Bank, Pakistan Railways, police and airlines, the struggle begins long before competition day: finding the resources simply to stay in the game. State patronage is limited, private sponsorship even scarcer — and for women, almost non-existent. Even for female athletes with supportive families or relatively privileged backgrounds, funding remains a constant struggle. Eman Khan, who won the gold at the 2024 International Mixed Martial Arts Federation Asian Championships, receives only sporadic private sponsorships. To sustain her career in the intensely male-dominated and often ‘violent’ world of the martial arts, she relies on coaching others to fund her own training and competition expenses. The barriers are even greater for girls from Pakistan’s remotest and poorest districts. Without sponsors or financial backing, many are forced to quit before their talent is ever discovered; this is not just an individual but also a national loss. Stadiums are largely empty and media attention wanes when it comes to women playing sports. In Jacobabad, the Star Women’s Sports Academy, the only women’s sports club in Larkana division, trains 32 girls from low-income homes in football, hockey, cricket and tennis for free. But with little funding and a severe shortage of equipment, many aspiring players are turned away. The club cannot afford to send athletes to private tournaments. Founded in 2017 by hockey player Erum Baloch, in April the academy had to appeal on social media for basic gear — goalkeeping kits, hockey sticks and balls. Baloch, who teaches at a private institution, uses much of her own salary to keep the club — her passion — running. Help poured in from ordinary citizens and philanthropists. Even a sportswoman from Peshawar rushed to ensure the girls had the equipment they needed to continue playing. The appeal is a stark reflection of the lack of official support for women’s sports. Similarly, last year, after reading about the plight of these athletes, the Australian high commission helped fund a hockey training camp for them in Islamabad. However, ad hoc support and one-off training cannot produce national or international athletes. When coaches constantly scramble for basic equipment, training becomes inconsistent, eroding the very backbone of competitive sport. Star Academy is far from the only women’s sports club trudging along with limited resources. Founders in Karachi, Hyderabad and Mirpurkhas say they often reach into their own pockets to keep girls playing — from water to rickshaw fares, they even buy shoes for those who cannot afford them. At the same time, they have to spend hours convincing hesitant parents to let their daughters continue. But this financial strain is intertwined with harassment within the system. Coaches have observed that girls from poorer, more conservative homes — some describe their charges as ‘less educated, less confident and unable to speak in English’ — often become a target of sexual harassment. Many girls stay quiet for fear of being pressured to leave the sports premises — or the sport itself. Others, the coaches allege, are sidelined (even if talented) as ‘punishment’ for refusing the inappropriate advances of male officials who influence selection and careers. Another reason why women’s sport remains chronically underfunded compared to men’s, said Dr Sadia Sheikh, founder of Pakistan’s first women’s sports club, Diya Academy (established in 2002), is that: “Women’s sports are less marketable.” “Inn ki tau kal shadi ho jai ge; hum ko kiya return milay ga?” (Tomorrow these women will get married; if we invest in them, what returns will we get?) is a common excuse by corporations for turning them away, she said. This dismissive attitude, pointed out Dr Sheikh, is reinforced by the lacklustre viewership: stadiums remain largely empty and media attention wanes when it comes to women playing sports. However, in sports such as cricket and football, there has been some positive development of late. The state and private sponsors are investing in female athletes. The latter receive enviable packages (though not equal to their male counterparts’) consisting of comfortable accommodation, good meals, daily allowances and even salaries or stipends, when compared to female athletes in other sports. They are even sent abroad for training and also get a chance to play against international teams. Yet women in field hockey remain under the radar. It would be worth asking if our women’s national hockey team has qualified for the 2026 16-nation World Cup set to be held in Belgium and the Netherlands in August. Surely a country whose national sport is hockey must have a strong women’s team to be sent alongside its male counterpart! Recently, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif approved budgetary allocations to promote sports and supported a sports endowment fund for veterans, while also pledging “all-out support” and equal opportunities for women in sport. However, a dedicated national fund for women athletes is yet to be announced. But there is still time to act. The Pakistan Sports Board, along with the national federations, is drafting a four-year athlete development programme and has sought a budget increase from Rs1.2 billion to Rs4.9bn to support training, coaching, infrastructure and international participation. Before the PM gives his final approval, and before flagship projects, such as the Rs2.85bn Arshad Nadeem High Performance Sports Academy in Islamabad or the Rs 241 million multi-purpose sports complex in Faisalabad move ahead, it is worth asking what place, if any, women athletes occupy in this vision. Their struggles are systemic. The answer lies not only in more funding, but in fairer allocation, stronger governance, greater media visibility and genuine inclusion. Without that, financial investment will not change the game. The writer is an independent journalist based in Karachi. X: @zofeen28 Published in Dawn, June 3rd, 2026
Sinds het staakt-het-vuren tussen Hamas en Israël vorig jaar oktober is ingegaan, hoopten hulporganisaties dat dat wat verlichting zou brengen voor de Palestijnse bevolking in Gaza. Hoewel er mondjesmaat hulp binnenkomt, is de humanitaire situatie nog steeds erbarmelijk en gevaarlijk, zeggen meerdere hulporganisaties, waaronder Oxfam Novib en het Rode Kruis. Volgens de hulporganisatie is er een enorm tekort aan bijna alles in Gaza. Dat komt volgens hen doordat de Israëlische autoriteiten mondjesmaat hulpgoederen Gaza binnenlaten. "Er is een gigantisch tekort aan medicijnen. Onze collega's van de Palestijnse Rode Halve Maan vertellen dat ze nog voor drie maanden medicijnen hebben", zegt Daniëlle Brouwer van het Rode Kruis. "Tientallen vrachtwagens met hulpgoederen staan aan de grens om Gaza binnen te rijden. Het is een politieke keuze om die niet binnen te laten." Gebeten door ratten Door het medicijntekort kunnen ziektes niet goed worden bestreden. Zo ziet Dokters van de Wereld dat er sinds maart meer mensen waterpokken krijgen. Vanwege een gebrek aan sanitaire voorzieningen krijgen veel mensen cholera, volgens het Rode Kruis. De verspreiding van (infectie)ziektes wordt volgens de hulporganisaties ook veroorzaakt doordat mensen dicht op elkaar leven in vluchtelingenkampen en vuilnis niet meer wordt opgehaald. Het afvalprobleem veroorzaakt daarnaast een enorme rattenplaag, zegt Wouter Booij van Unicef. "We horen bijvoorbeeld verhalen van kinderen en volwassenen die door ratten in het gezicht worden gebeten tijdens hun slaap." Veel kinderen hebben huidaandoeningen, zoals ook het jongetje op onderstaande foto. Kinderen hebben ziektes als schurft en waterpokken, of soms zelfs last van knaagdierbeten. Al ruim een jaar worstelen we om hulpgoederen binnen te krijgen, zegt Oxfam Novib-directeur Michiel Servaes. Volgens hem wordt veel materiaal door Israël aangemerkt als 'dual-use goederen'. Dat zijn spullen waarvan de Israëlische autoriteiten zeggen dat ze ook voor militaire doeleinden kunnen worden ingezet en daarom Gaza niet in mogen. Zeven kapotte couveuses Zo is het voor het Rode Kruis moeilijk om medische apparatuur zoals couveuses Gaza binnen te krijgen, zegt Brouwer. Hulpverleners worden daardoor gedwongen om creatief te kijken naar oplossingen. "Zo hebben onze collega's van zeven kapotte couveuses een nieuwe gemaakt." Ook ruilen volgens haar ziekenhuizen in het gebied zorg tegen medicatie. Brouwer noemt de situatie bizar. "Moet je voorstellen hoeveel levens we in de tussentijd hadden kunnen redden." Volgens de hulporganisatie zijn er sinds begin dit jaar slechts vijftien vrachtwagens met hulpgoederen Gaza binnengelaten. Ook Unicef zegt last te hebben van de Israëlische restricties. Daardoor kunnen er volgens de organisatie geen waterleidingen worden aangelegd. "Er is een gigantisch tekort aan schoon drinkwater", vertelt Booij. Volgens Artsen Zonder Grenzen (AzG) is bijna 90 procent van de watervoorzieningen in Gaza beschadigd of vernietigd. Het gaat om onder meer ontziltingsinstallaties, waterputten en leidingen. Volgens AzG is het watertekort onderdeel van een bredere Israëlische strategie om Gaza onleefbaar te maken voor de Palestijnen. Aanvallen Hoewel het sinds het fragiele staakt-het-vuren rustiger is geworden in Gaza, is het werk van de hulpverleners nog steeds gevaarlijk, zeggen de organisaties. Israël schond het bestand de afgelopen tijd geregeld. Volgens het Palestijnse ministerie van Gezondheid zijn er sinds het begin van het staakt-het-vuren meer dan 900 Palestijnen gedood in de Gazastrook. Volgens de Verenigde Naties zijn vorig jaar meer dan 560 hulpverleners in Gaza en op de bezette Westelijke Jordaanoever gedood. Registratieplicht Het bieden van hulp door internationale hulporganisaties wordt steeds moeilijker gemaakt. Begin dit jaar heeft Israël een strenge registratieplicht ingevoerd voor hulporganisaties. Ze moeten van de Israëlische autoriteiten onder meer namen en contactgegevens van hun medewerkers doorgeven. Israël zegt deze informatie nodig te hebben om te controleren of medewerkers banden hebben met terreurgroepen. Delen de organisaties die gegevens niet, dan mogen ze geen hulp meer bieden in Gaza of op de bezette Westelijke Jordaanoever. Volgens Servaes gaat het om ongeveer 34 hulporganisaties, waaronder zijn Oxfam Novib. Zij weigeren volgens Servaes persoonlijke gegevens door te geven omdat ze hun collega's niet in gevaar willen brengen, maar ook omdat Europese privacywetgeving ze dat verbiedt. Oxfam Novib was bij het Israëlische hooggerechtshof een bezwaarprocedure begonnen tegen de registratieplicht. Servaes: "Tien dagen geleden is de procedure door het hof op een politieke manier afgewezen en hebben we vanaf 21 juni een maand de tijd om het werk te stoppen. We maken ons daar ontzettend veel zorgen om." Volgens Servaes wil Israël zich ontdoen van hulporganisaties die zich kritisch hebben uitgelaten over het Israëlische leger en de regering. "Ze willen van de oren en ogen af zodat we niet kunnen vertellen wat daar gebeurt."
Iran heeft vannacht meerdere ballistische raketten en drones afgevuurd op Koeweit en Bahrein, meldt het Amerikaanse leger. Volgens het hoofdkwartier van het leger in het Midden-Oosten Centcom hebben geen van de Iraanse projectielen doel getroffen. De Iraanse Revolutionaire Garde zegt het hoofdkwartier de Amerikaanse Vijfde Vloot in Bahrein met raketten en drones te hebben geraakt. Ook zou Iran bij aanvallen een Amerikaanse luchtmachtbasis hebben getroffen. Centcom ontkent dat. Het leger zegt dat die Iraanse aanvallen zijn mislukt. Twee Iraanse raketten die naar Koeweit onderweg waren misten volgens Centcom doel of "vielen onderweg uiteen". Drie afgevuurde raketten richting Bahrein zijn onderschept door de Amerikaanse en Bahreinse luchtverdediging, zegt het leger. Vergeldingsactie Volgens Centcom had het leger kort daarvoor drie Iraanse drones neergehaald. Deze onbemande vliegtuigjes zouden onderweg zijn geweest naar een koopvaardijschip, terwijl dat volgens de VS "rechtmatig door regionale wateren voer". Het leger vermeldt niet of het gaat om een schip dat door de geblokkeerde Straat van Hormuz voer. Centcom zegt dat het leger als reactie op de Iraanse aanvallen "zelfverdedigingsaanvallen" heeft uitgevoerd op een Iraans militair controlecentrum op het eiland Qeshm. Ook daar zijn explosies gehoord. De Iraanse Revolutionaire Garde zegt juist dat de aanvallen een vergeldingsactie zijn voor aanvallen die de VS had uitgevoerd op een communicatietoren op het eiland. Maandag werden ook aanvallen op dat eiland gemeld. Volgens Iran waren de Amerikaanse aanvallen gericht op dezelfde telecommunicatietoren in het zuiden van het eiland. Het is niet bekendgemaakt of de toren door een van de aanvallen beschadigd is geraakt. De Revolutionaire Garde noemt de Amerikaanse aanvallen een uiting van "brutale en openlijke agressie" van de VS. Straat van Hormuz Eerder vanavond heeft het Amerikaanse leger een ongeladen olietanker beschoten die naar het eiland Kharg onderweg was. Centcom zegt dat de tanker, die onder de vlag van Botswana voer, niet luisterde naar meerdere waarschuwingen om van koers te veranderen. Daarop heeft het leger de machinekamer van het schip beschoten. Daarna kon het niet meer richting Iran varen, zegt Centcom. De Straat van Hormuz is sinds het begin van de oorlog in de Golfregio de facto dicht. Zowel Iran als de VS hebben er blokkades ingesteld. In april spraken beide landen een staakt-het-vuren af, maar dat wordt geregeld door beide landen geschonden. Volgens Iraanse staatsmedia worden onderhandelingen tussen beide landen over een bestand stilgelegd zolang Israël zich niet terugtrekt uit Libanon. Er zouden geen "uitwisselingen van berichten tussen bemiddelaars" meer plaatsvinden. De Amerikaanse president Trump zei daarop dat de VS "niet zomaar bommen gaat gooien" en dat de blokkade van de smalle zeestraat gehandhaafd blijft.