"YESH" · 총 21건
필터 보기현재 지수
50.3
0 = 부정 우세
50 = 중립
100 = 긍정 우세
최근 7일 기준 88,160건을 분석한 결과, 뉴스 심리지수는 50.3(균형)입니다. 긍정 4,426건(5.0%)·중립 81,667건(92.6%)·부정 2,067건(2.3%)이며, 중립 비중이 뚜렷하게 높습니다. 성향 지수는 종합 15.0(중도 균형)입니다.
The second round of voting was halted in the plenum after concerns were raised about the integrity of the vote, as coalition MKs were accused of filming themselves casting their vote.
NPR's Ayesha Rascoe speaks with "Rivals" star Danny Dyer. The series follows a group of upper-class Brits as they jostle for power and double-cross each other along the way.
NPR's Ayesha Rascoe plays the puzzle with OPB listener Jocelyn Tutak of Portland, OR., along with Weekend Edition Puzzlemaster Will Shortz.
The young men and women who put their lives on the line for all of us, including the yeshiva students, display more courage by realizing that a nation that will not defend itself is not worth saving.
Het Israëlische leger heeft een baby doodgeschoten en zijn ouders verwond op de bezette Westelijke Jordaanoever. Dat gebeurde toen een militair op een auto schoot waar het gezin in zat, zegt de vader van het kind van zeven maanden tegen de Israëlische krant Haaretz. Het Israëlische leger heeft erkend dat er is geschoten op burgers. De familieleden uit Bethlehem werden beschoten toen ze bij Tel Rumeida reden, een wijk in Hebron. In de auto zaten ook de 11-jarige zoon van het gezin en de moeder van de man. Ze waren op weg naar het huis van de grootmoeder, schrijft het Palestijnse persbureau WAFA. De vader, Fahed Abu Haikal, vertelt dat hij op instructies van het leger zijn auto tot stilstand had gebracht, waarna een militair op zo'n 10 meter afstand het vuur opende. "De militair gaf me het stopteken, ik zette de auto volledig stil en greep het stuur vast." Direct daarna werd er op de auto geschoten", zegt Abu Haikal tegen Haaretz. De zeven maanden oude Sam Fahd Abu Haikal werd volgens zijn vader in het gezicht geraakt. Ook de moeder, die Sam vasthield, werd door de kogel in het gezicht getroffen. De vader raakte gewond aan zijn hand. Het jongetje is naar een ziekenhuis in Hebron gebracht waar hij werd doodverklaard. Zijn moeder ligt zwaargewond in het ziekenhuis en is nog niet op de hoogte van de dood van haar kind, schrijft persbureau AP. 'Militair voelde zich bedreigd' Het Israëlische leger heeft in een reactie aan Haaretz bekend dat een militair het vuur opende toen diegene een voertuig zag aankomen. De militair zou zich bedreigd hebben gevoeld. Ook erkent het leger dat de inzittenden gewone burgers waren en dat de schietpartij wordt onderzocht. Mensenrechtenorganisaties hebben weinig vertrouwen in de onderzoeken van het leger. Israëlische militairen die betrokken zijn bij misdaden tegen Palestijnen op de bezette Westelijke Jordaanoever worden nauwelijks gestraft, zeggen ze. De Israëlische mensenrechtenorganisatie Yesh Din onderzocht tussen 2016 en 2024 aanklachten van wangedrag. Minder dan 1 procent van alle gevallen leidde tot een veroordeling. Toenemend geweld Op de Westoever wonen zo'n 700.000 kolonisten in nederzettingen te midden van meer dan drie miljoen Palestijnen. De nederzettingen zijn volgens het internationaal recht illegaal. Volgens de Verenigde Naties zijn sinds het begin van de oorlog in Gaza in 2023 meer dan duizend Palestijnen op de bezette Westelijke Jordaanoever gedood, een kwart van de slachtoffers waren kinderen. Mensenrechtenorganisaties slaan al langer alarm over het toenemend geweld door Joodse kolonisten in het gebied en het Israëlische leger dat nauwelijks ingrijpt. Toenmalig correspondent Nasrah Habiballah schetst in deze reportage de groei van het aantal Israëlische nederzettingen op de bezette Westelijke Jordaanoever en de gevolgen voor de Palestijnen die daar wonen:
CEO Yossi Levi said that efforts to draft haredim should focus on those not enrolled in a yeshiva, rather than on arresting those who have committed to studying Torah full-time.
• 22,320 parents refuse to let health workers administer drops • 18.6 million children vaccinated across 79 high-risk districts ISLAMABAD: Despite thousands of parental refusals, a recent sub-national polio vaccination campaign reached over 18.6 million children in 79 high-risk districts, achieving 98 per cent coverage, health authorities announced. The Pakistan Polio Eradication Initiative reviewed the May 18-24 drive during a recent meeting, noting that while the national refusal rate remained low at 0.12pc, exactly 22,320 parents refused to let health workers administer the drops. The sub-national campaign was launched specifically in areas where the poliovirus had been detected in environmental samples, aiming to curb transmission risks. Approximately 163,000 frontline health workers went door-to-door to deliver the oral vaccine. According to campaign data, 404,417 children, which is about 2.1pc of the target demographic, were initially missed because they were not home during household visits. Through targeted follow-up efforts in the final days of the drive, vaccination teams successfully reached 88pc of those missed children to help close remaining immunity gaps. The campaign covered regions across the country, vaccinating 6.06 million children in Punjab, 5.74 million in Sindh, 4.39 million in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, 1.96 million in Balochistan and about 435,000 in the Islamabad Capital Territory. “The successful completion of this campaign reflects the dedication of our frontline workers and the continued support of parents, caregivers and communities across Pakistan,” Prime Minister’s Focal Person on Polio Eradication Ayesha Raza Farooq said in a statement. “Every missed child remains a risk, and we must continue working together until polio is eradicated from the country.” Pakistan and neighbouring Afghanistan are the only two countries in the world where wild poliovirus remains endemic. Given the ease of cross-border transmission, PEI officials recently joined Afghanistan’s polio programme at a Technical Advisory Group meeting to review epidemiological trends and strengthen regional coordination. At the national level, authorities are currently finalising the 2026 National Emergency Action Plan. The framework outlines priority actions to accelerate eradication efforts, strengthen outbreak responses and permanently close immunity gaps. Published in Dawn, June 5th, 2026
The terrorist, identified as Yousef Ayesh Awad Ramadan, was a deputy commander of a Hamas Nukhba terrorist cell who infiltrated Israel during the October 7th attacks.
NPR's Ayesha Rascoe plays the puzzle with WBEZ listener Larry Birkenmeyer of Glenview, Ill., and Puzzlemaster Will Shortz.
In last week’s column, I discussed how certain Pakistani historians challenged the ‘reactionary’ national narrative constructed by the state after 1971, when the country’s eastern wing violently broke away to become Bangladesh. The post-1971 narrative amplified Political Islam, weaving it into what was officially branded as the “Pakistan Ideology” in 1978. Though some historians began dismantling this construct in the 1980s, it took another three decades for their efforts to bear fruit. Today, the state has not only softened its stance towards these counter-narratives, but is actively borrowing elements from them to fashion a brand-new national identity. This emerging narrative seeks to reposition Pakistan as a moderate, organic continuation of the ancient civilisations that flourished along the Indus River for over 5,000 years. Works of scholars such as K.K. Aziz, Sibte Hassan, Ayesha Jalal, Mubarak Ali, Muhammad Waseem, Aitzaz Ahsan and, later, Abdul Hameed Nayyar, Rubina Saigol, Pervez Hoodbhoy, M. Qasim Zaman, Manan Ahmed Asif and Ali Usman Qasmi, are instrumental in providing the intellectual material for this quiet shift. For decades, Pakistani historians who challenged the state’s narrative faced censorship, exile, isolation and financial ruin. Yet, the perspectives they championed are now quietly shaping the country’s evolving identity By the mid-2000s, counter-narratives became easier to evolve, but doing so in the 1980s and 1990s was a rather dangerous pursuit. In this column, I will explore this, alongside a now largely forgotten historian who pioneered the pursuit of challenging state-curated history, long before the state’s reactionary turn was fully formalised after 1971 and was cemented in the 1980s. In 1977, the source material Aziz was using to write a book on the ‘sensitive’ Hamoodur Rehman Report, was confiscated and allegedly destroyed by the Ziaul Haq dictatorship. The report was the outcome of a commission set up by the Z.A. Bhutto regime to investigate the civil war in East Pakistan. After Bhutto’s fall in July 1977 in a Zia-led coup, Aziz was forced to leave the country. In exile, he managed to find a research position at Heidelberg University in Germany. In 1985, during the peak of the Zia dictatorship, Aziz chose to return to Pakistan, where his brother-in-law provided him with a place to live in Lahore. Here he wrote his most influential book, The Murder of History. Though published by Najam Sethi’s Vanguard Books, The Murder of History faced severe distribution hurdles from a regime hellbent on making it disappear. The book had used original source material to expose the glaring historical discrepancies that had crept into Pakistani textbooks after 1978. According to the late author and journalist Khaled Ahmed, when Aziz ran out of funds, he approached several wealthy patrons that he believed valued intellectual pursuits. But none replied. Relief came in 1994 when Benazir Bhutto’s second government sent Aziz to London, employing him at the Pakistan High Commission, so he could continue his multiple research projects. This stability ended in 1996, when the Benazir government was dismissed by President Farooq Leghari. Fortunately, the alumni of Lahore’s Government College (Ravians) stepped in to fund his research and stay in London, though this support from the Ravians eventually dried up in 1998. Upon returning to Pakistan that same year, Aziz was told he could no longer stay at his old Model Town residence. His once-doting brother-in-law had finally had enough of him. Aziz tried to earn a living as a lecturer, but discovered that no college or university would dare hire him. The Murder of History had ruffled too many feathers in the state, even though Aitzaz Ahsan’s counter-narrative, The Indus Saga, was by then gracing the shelves of all major bookstores. Vanguard had already issued a second edition of The Murder of History in 1993 and, riding the wave of the popularity of counter-narrative literature generated by Aitzaz’s book, the publisher released a third edition in 1998. Driven by the increasing public interest in counter-narratives, The Murder of History finally began to sell well, more than a decade after it was first published. Although Aziz left Pakistan once more in 1999, The Murder of History had already established itself as an early work that systematically debunked the post-1971 narrative. It became an inspiration for a new generation of historians who have since driven a gradual shift in the state’s own historical outlook. Aziz passed away in 2009, having authored over 50 books. The Murder of History has gone through 12 editions and sold thousands of copies, vindicating a tome that long threatened the livelihood and life of its author for challenging a national narrative he refused to accept. Illustration by Abro Long before Aziz, though, there was Dr Ashiq Husain Batalvi. As a young scholar, Batalvi had worked closely with the poet-philosopher Muhammad Iqbal, and the founder of Pakistan, Mohammad Ali Jinnah. Following the creation of Pakistan in 1947, and particularly after Jinnah’s demise in 1948, Batalvi had a falling out with the country’s nascent ruling elite. To Batalvi, this new leadership was abandoning the path Jinnah had envisioned. He watched with dismay as the state apparatus was infiltrated by men who had actively worked against Jinnah. These included landed elites from the anti-Jinnah Unionist Party and Islamists with whom Batalvi held deep ideological differences. Sidelined by these factions, Batalvi left the country in 1954. Settling in Britain, he became Dawn’s foreign correspondent and earned his PhD from the prestigious School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS). His first post-Partition book was published in 1961, but it was in his landmark 1969 work Chand Yaadein Chand Tassuraat [Some Memories, Some Impressions] that he lamented in detail how post-Partition Pakistan had drifted away from its original inclusive and pluralistic ideals. Though a passionate Pakistani nationalist, Batalvi never returned to the country. To him, Jinnah’s Pakistan was long dead. He continued writing for Dawn, but his output as a historian in his lifetime was eventually overshadowed by more prolific counter-narrative historians such as Aziz, Ali and Jalal. As mentioned, while early counter-narrative historians faced immense struggles in the 1980s and much of the 1990s, things in this regard have improved significantly since then, unlike the tightening of intellectual spaces in present-day India. Yet, certain institutional no-go areas remain. For instance, no local publisher or bookseller dares to touch Qasmi’s 2014 study, The Politics of Religious Exclusion in Pakistan. It remains one of the most thorough investigations into how the Ahmadiyya community was ousted from the fold of Islam in Pakistan. This is a stark reminder that, while the state’s narrative has softened on some fronts, certain historical truths are still deemed too dangerous to print. Published in Dawn, EOS, 31st, 2026
Huckabee was honored for his support of Israel and efforts after October 7 while encouraging graduates to serve and embrace their Jewish identity.
De Verenigde Naties plaatsen Israël op een zwarte lijst wegens het gebruik van seksueel geweld in de Palestijnse gebieden. Dat heeft de Israëlische ambassadeur Danny Danon bekendgemaakt op X. Hij heeft aangegeven de banden met VN-secretaris-generaal Guterres te verbreken. Volgens het Israëlische ministerie van Buitenlandse Zaken zijn Israëlische instellingen opgenomen in een bijlage bij een jaarlijks rapport over seksueel geweld in conflicten, opgesteld door het bureau van de secretaris-generaal. Het rapport is nog niet openbaar gemaakt. Op een eerdere versie van de zwarte lijst staan terreurgroepen als Hamas, IS en gewapende milities in landen waar oorlog woedt, zoals de Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in Sudan en Al-Qaida in de Islamitische Maghreb (AQIM) in Mali. De aantijgingen aan het adres van Israël zijn niet nieuw. In april verscheen een rapport van Save the Children, waarin staat dat Palestijnse kinderen in militaire gevangenissen worden gemarteld, seksueel misbruikt en uitgehongerd. Ook eerdere rapporten van de VN maken melding van seksueel geweld tegen gevangenen. Bloedlaster Danon spreekt op X van een "politieke campagne" tegen zijn land. "We zullen blijven strijden voor de waarheid en de bloedlaster op elk mogelijk platform aan de kaak stellen. De waarheid zal zegevieren." Volgens de ambassadeur heeft Israël "bewijsmateriaal, documenten en gedetailleerde antwoorden op elke beschuldiging" geleverd. "We hebben VN-vertegenwoordigers uitgenodigd om ter plaatse onderzoek te doen, maar ze hebben er uiteraard voor gekozen dit niet te doen." In de praktijk laat Israël slechts mondjesmaat toezicht van de VN toe. Hulporganisaties zoals de UNWRA zijn verboden. Journalisten zijn niet welkom in bezette gebieden of in de buurt van opgepakte Palestijnen en andere tegenstanders van de regering. Herhaaldelijk gedocumenteerd Een woordvoerder van de secretaris-generaal Guterres laat weten dat ze via sociale media kennis heeft genomen van de Israëlische reactie en dat hij openstaat voor gesprekken. Ze gaf geen informatie over de inhoud van het rapport. In het vorige rapport had Guterres al aangekondigd dat de Israëlische strijdkrachten en veiligheidsdiensten mogelijk op de zwarte lijst zou worden gezet vanwege "ernstige zorgen over bepaalde vormen van seksueel geweld, die herhaaldelijk door de Verenigde Naties zijn gedocumenteerd". Het rapport noemde specifiek schendingen van de rechten van Palestijnen in verschillende gevangenissen, een detentiecentrum en een militaire basis in 2024, waaronder "geweld tegen de genitaliën, langdurige gedwongen naaktheid en herhaalde fouilleringen". Amper veroordelingen De Israëlische mensenrechtenorganisatie Yesh Din zette in 2024 honderden meldingen op een rij van misdragingen door Israëlische militairen in Gaza. Het rapport concludeerde dat het leger pas onderzoek doet wanneer het bewijs en de internationale druk te groot worden om te negeren. Minder dan 1 procent van de meldingen leidt tot een veroordeling. "In het zeldzame geval dat militairen worden veroordeeld, krijgen ze belachelijk lichte straffen vergeleken met de zwaarte van de overtreding", zei Yahav Erez van Yesh Din destijds. Een schrijnend voorbeeld is de arrestatie van negen Israëlische militairen, die beschuldigd waren van verkrachting in de beruchte gevangenis Sde Teiman. Dat stond op beveiligingsbeelden. Militairen schermden het slachtoffer af met grote schilden, waardoor niet te zien is wat er gebeurt. Uit rapporten blijkt dat het slachtoffer in zijn anus is gestoken met een scherp object. De aanhouding van de verdachten leidde tot grote protesten. Een ultrarechtse menigte bestormde de militaire basis, om steun te betuigen aan de gearresteerde militairen. In maart werden de laatste vijf verdachten vrijgesproken. IDF-generaal Yifat Tomer-Yerushalmi, die beveiligingsbeelden van de aanval had laten vrijgeven, werd gearresteerd, onder huisarrest geplaatst en is inmiddels uit haar ambt gezet.
Banca Casa Worship abre a segunda semana de shows do evento Divulgação A programação de shows da Festa Junina de Votorantim retorna nesta quinta-feira (28) com o show gospel da Casa Worship, que já foi indicada ao Grammy Latino de melhor álbum cristão em 2023 com “Novo Tempo”. Considerada a maior festa junina do estado de São Paulo, o evento é organizado pela Viva+ Entretenimento em parceria com o Fundo Social de Solidariedade de Votorantim, com apoio da Prefeitura de Votorantim e promoção da TV TEM. 📲 Participe do canal do g1 Sorocaba e Jundiaí no WhatsApp A festa deste ano carrega o lema "Resgatando Tradições" e traz um palco com 360 graus inspirado nos grandes festivais do país para receber artistas de peso. Marisa Monte, João Gomes e mais: confira os shows da Festa Junina de Votorantim O grupo de pop rock cristão foi fundado em 2018 em Goiânia e acumula mais de 600 milhões de streams apenas em uma plataforma de música. Formado atualmente por Jonny Harison, Nanda e Yasmin Teixeira, o ministério de adoração Casa Worship nasceu na Igreja CASA. O grupo tem como propósito trazer uma nova atmosfera através da adoração, gerando paixão e entrega a Jesus e conduzindo as pessoas a serem impactadas pelo amor de Deus. A banda nasceu em 2018 e se tornou conhecida por todo o país com suas canções de louvor e adoração. LEIA TAMBÉM: 1º DIA: Com clássicos e hits, Murilo Huff empolga e encanta público na 1ª noite da Festa Junina de Votorantim TODO MUNDO DANÇOU: João Gomes estreia na Festa Junina de Votorantim com muito piseiro e forró TV TEM leva espaço 'instagramável' para a Festa Junina de Votorantim; veja como tirar fotos e ganhar brindes Entre as canções mais ouvidas estão “A Casa é Sua”, “Eu Te Vejo Em Tudo” e “Yeshua”. Os ingressos podem ser adquiridos pela internet, no site oficial da festa. O público pode acessar o recinto e a pista para assistir aos shows da festa por R$ 5. Às segundas, terças e quartas-feiras, o recinto da Festa Junina Beneficente de Votorantim fica fechado para manutenção e limpeza. O local abre quintas e sextas-feiras, a partir das 18h, e sábados, domingos e feriados, a partir das 12h. Excepcionalmente, no dia 3 de junho (quarta-feira), o evento estará aberto ao público por conta do feriado de Corpus Christi (4 de junho). A primeira semana da festa teve as apresentações de Murilo Huff, Gustavo Mioto e João Gomes. Os shows continuam na sexta-feira (29) com o show da sertaneja Ana Castela. Confira a programação completa. Initial plugin text Veja mais notícias da região no g1 Sorocaba e Jundiaí VÍDEOS: assista às reportagens da TV TEM
Opposition coordinator MK Meirav Ben-Ari (Yesh Atid) pushed for progress on the Knesset dissolution bill, which proposes determining the election date in the committee debates.
“Right now, it is clear that we are heading toward a very long ceasefire,” Shelah said. “I highly doubt anyone will break it, certainly not the Americans."
JEHLUM: At least one person was killed and 11 others were injured after several houses were seriously damaged following a reported earthquake in Jhelum’s Pind Dadan Khan tehsil on Tuesday, the area administration said. According to Jhelum Deputy Commissioner Mir Reza Ozgen, the earthquake was reported in the Jalalpur Sharif area of Jhelum’s Pind Dadan Khan tehsil. Ozgen said around 10 houses were seriously damaged in the earthquake and confirmed that at least one person had died in the incident. According to a press release issued by the Pakistan Meteorological Department (PMD), an earthquake measuring 4.8 on the scale was recorded at 7:06pm on Tuesday. The quake had a depth of 12 kilometres, with its epicentre located 58 kilometres southwest of Jhelum at latitude 32.59 north and longitude 73.23 east, the release added. “Police, rescue teams and the local administration are present at the site. Further search and assessment of the area is underway,” the DC said. Assistant Commissioner Pind Dadan Khan Ayesha Shafqat said 12 victims were shifted to the Rural Health Centre in Jalalpur Sharif, and eight of them with multiple injuries were later moved to DHQ Hospital Jhelum. In an earlier statement, Jhelum District Emergency Officer Farhan Mirza said Rescue 1122 received an emergency call at 7:09pm reporting that the first floor of a house had collapsed due to an earthquake, trapping several people under the debris in Pind Dadan Khan tehsil. He added a Rescue 1122 team was dispatched immediately and reached the scene within eight minutes. “Upon arrival, they found that six people had been injured, while one teenage boy was found dead,” said the rescue official. Residents said the earthquake was felt in Pind Dadan Khan’s Sagharpur, Daryala Jalip, Haranpur and Jaitypur areas. According to preliminary reports, Jalalpur Sharif and Pindi Saidpur were the worst-affected localities. On May 4, tremors were felt in Islamabad and Rawalpindi after a 5.2-magnitude earthquake was reported. According to the PMD, the earthquake was recorded at 10:56am. It added that the epicentre was located near the Tajikistan–Xinjiang border region and had a depth of 128 kilometres. On April 3, an earthquake measuring 6.1 on the scale jolted parts of the country, with the PMD stating that the quake struck at 9:13pm at a depth of 190km, with the Hindu Kush Region in Afghanistan as its epicentre. It said the shocks were felt in Islamabad, Chitral, Peshawar, Swat and Shangla. Pakistan falls on three major tectonic plates — the Arabian, Euro-Asian and Indian — which create five seismic zones under the country. The intersection of multiple fault lines means that tectonic movements remain a frequent occurrence in the region.
NPR's Ayesha Rascoe speaks to Bloomberg reporter Jonathan Randles about a legal battle that's left over 8 million comic books sitting in a Mississippi warehouse.
Illustration by Abro Introduced by the Imran Khan administration (2018-2022), the controversial Single National Curriculum (SNC) represented a final institutional attempt to preserve a state-curated national narrative dating back to the 1970s. By the 2010s, this identity framework had begun to fracture under the weight of escalating sectarian violence, unprecedented Islamist terrorism and fraying civil-military relations. The Islamist violence intensified alongside growing political friction between the military and the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP)-led government that took power in 2008. The resulting instability triggered a national debate over the state’s religious narrative. The conflict between the state and the Islamists exposed a stark ideological contradiction: anti-state extremists were utilising the exact same Islamist rhetoric that the state, mainstream religious parties, and centre-right groups had been championing, especially ever since the 1980s. This forced a fundamental questioning of state-sponsored Islam, particularly its presence in school textbooks. For decades, the Pakistani state crafted a national identity detached from the Subcontinent’s past. But changing dynamics within the country and in the region are pushing it towards a different imagination of itself — as the modern inheritor of the ancient Indus civilisation This discourse was not entirely unprecedented. In the 1980s, intellectuals such as Sibte Hasan, K.K. Aziz and Ayesha Jalal created a counter-narrative by arguing that the state was distorting the foundational vision of Pakistan’s founder, Muhammad Ali Jinnah. They contended that Jinnah viewed Islam as an enlightened, humane and modern faith. This portrayal was in stark contrast to the rigid version of Islam and of Jinnah’s image sculpted by the state from the 1970s onward. However, the counter-narratives remained largely confined to elite intellectual circles. Meanwhile, the official state narrative grew increasingly dominant, thoroughly propagated through textbooks, state-controlled media, and pro-state ulema [Islamic scholars] empowered by the Ziaul Haq dictatorship (1977-1988). A second wave of academic criticism emerged during the 1990s and early 2000s. Led by scholars such as Dr Abdul Hameed Nayyar, Rubina Saigol and Ahmad Salim, this critique posited that the era’s escalating Islamist and sectarian violence was a direct consequence of classroom indoctrination. According to Saigol, after the violent secession of East Pakistan in 1971, a pervasive state paranoia began to suffocate national rhetoric and reshape the curriculum. This insecurity culminated in the formal unveiling of the “Pakistan Ideology” in 1978. It was a construct born out of the fear that, without stitching a rigid interpretation of Islam into the country’s political and social fabric, Pakistan would face further disintegration. Nayyar, Salim and Saigol further suggested that the state and its nationalist intelligentsia harboured a perpetual urge to divorce the roots of South Asian Muslims from those of other regional faiths, particularly Hinduism. This ideological project gained urgency after the 1971 ‘East Pakistan debacle.’ In post-1978 textbooks, Pakistan was finally decoupled from its Subcontinental geography and tied to a civilisational claim that South Asian Muslims were genealogically linked to the birthplace of Islam in Arabia. Critics termed this the “Arabisation of Pakistan” — a claim that Arabs found rather amusing. From the late 1970s, history textbooks largely disregarded the region’s pre-eighth century past, undermining everything prior to the Arab invasion of Sindh. The ruins and artefacts of ancient civilisations physically located within Pakistan, including the 5,000-year-old Indus Valley Civilisation, were treated as foreign phenomena rather than foundational elements of the nation’s own heritage. Although an extensive 2003 study on this subject by Nayyar and Salim attracted brief interest from the ‘modernist’ military dictatorship of Pervez Musharraf (1999–2008), it yielded only superficial structural reforms. In 1996, the state narrative was more comprehensively challenged by Aitzaz Ahsan, a prominent intellectual and senior member of the PPP. Synthesising fragmented ideas into what became known as the ‘Indus Theory’, he formalised his thesis in his book The Indus Saga and the Making of Pakistan. The theory suggests that modern-day Pakistan is far from an artificial state hastily created in 1947. Instead, it is the organic, modern manifestation of a distinct 5,000-year-old civilisation anchored to the Indus River system. According to Ahsan, the civilisational divide between Pakistan and India is fundamentally cultural and geographical rather than purely religious. It is driven by the separate evolution of two distinct societies: one born along the banks of the Indus River in Pakistan, and the other along the Ganges in India. Versions of this theory had circulated since the 1950s. Their lineage can be traced back to the 1950 book Five Thousand Years of Pakistan by British archaeologist Sir Mortimer Wheeler. The concept was then revived in the 1970s by figures such as Sibte Hasan, eminent archaeologist Dr Ahmad Hasan Dani, and veteran Sindhi nationalist scholar G.M. Syed. However, the post-1971 state sidelined this paradigm in favour of its Arabian hypothesis. Ahsan’s mid-1990s formulation remains the Indus Theory’s most cohesive and articulate expression. In 2010, the PPP-coalition government succeeded in passing the 18th Amendment to the Constitution, with the support of the main opposition party, the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N). The amendment provided extensive autonomy to the provinces, devolving education from the federal government and loosening the Islamabad-driven national narrative. Sindh took the lead, exercising its new authority to reintroduce the province’s ‘Sufi’ history and regional heroes into provincial textbooks, bypassing old federal frameworks. In 2015, the Sindh government reintroduced Jinnah’s August 11, 1947 speech into textbooks. This speech, in which Jinnah declared that the state would have nothing to do with the religion of its citizens, had been expunged from the curriculum after 1971. Combined with the widespread availability of internet-driven literature challenging the state’s post-1971 narrative, these developments hurled the Indus Theory into mainstream national discourse like never before. The state made a last-ditch effort to mitigate the erosion of the old narrative through the SNC, launched by Imran Khan in August 2021. While the SNC was a more radical manifestation of the traditional state narrative, it was ultimately rejected by the governments of Sindh and Balochistan. What’s more, its implementation triggered widespread confusion and disgruntlement among middle-class parents in Punjab, causing the project to stall after Khan’s regime was removed through an act of parliament in 2022. Today, as Pakistan navigates its position as a rising regional power, both the government and the military establishment are prioritising pragmatism. Seeking to sustain this status while addressing Baloch separatism, Islamist violence and the Indian threat in a more systematic manner, the state is quietly integrating the Indus Theory into its own narratives. An additional driver of this shift is the Hindu nationalist regime in India, which is aggressively reshaping the past to construct a Hindu-centric, civilisational identity. This has eroded India’s secular image internationally. Pakistan views this as an opportunity. By embracing the Indus Theory, Pakistan seeks to position itself as a moderate, pragmatic nation-state with ancient roots in the civilisations that emerged along the Indus, the country’s largest river and ‘life giver.’ Published in Dawn, EOS, May 24th, 2026
The task force is called NILI, an acronym of "Netzach Yisrael Lo Yeshaker" ("The Eternal One of Israel does not lie"), signifying that no victim of the attack would be forgotten.
Albert Itzkowitz, 75, was a prominent elderly member of the Queens Jewish community and longtime bakery owner, according to Yeshiva World News.