The Economic Times (India)
중도 성향
기타
1"LICENCE" · 총 80건
필터 보기현재 지수
50.3
0 = 부정 우세
50 = 중립
100 = 긍정 우세
최근 7일 기준 80,589건을 분석한 결과, 뉴스 심리지수는 50.2(균형)입니다. 긍정 3,922건(4.9%)·중립 74,780건(92.8%)·부정 1,887건(2.3%)이며, 중립 비중이 뚜렷하게 높습니다. 성향 지수는 종합 14.5(중도 균형)입니다.
China’s Ministry of Commerce has lashed out at Washington’s latest guidance on advanced artificial intelligence chip exports, accusing the United States of abusing export controls and disrupting the global semiconductor supply chain. But trade lawyers and industry insiders said the actual fallout over the new document could be far more limited than the geopolitical fireworks suggest. The US Bureau of Industry and Security (BIS) issued guidance on May 31, stating licences would be required to...
Bihar govt suspends hospital licence after ICU fire kills six in Muzaffarpur
An hour after a fire at Hauz Rani B&B, owner Lovkesh Bajaj applied to renew a ground-floor restaurant license that had expired. The Municipal Corporation of Delhi (MCD) rejected the application, noting the establishment was operating in violation of norms. The incident highlights regulatory lapses and questions about enforcement.
Motorists have received a reprieve after the High Court temporarily suspended the implementation of NTSA's smart driving licence and automated traffic fines system.
A Hong Kong tour guide accused of threatening visitors into making shopping purchases has been struck off for damaging the sector’s reputation and breaching professional conduct, in the second disciplinary action of its kind in less than two months. The Travel Industry Authority said on Friday it revoked Siu Man-chung’s tour guide licence after investigating complaints that Siu made “inappropriate remarks” to pressure inbound mainland Chinese visitors into shopping during tours conducted between...
Pursues licence to build digital bank, plans to prove model that worked in Kazakhstan can compete in Europe’s more mature, heavily regulated markets
The Travel Industry Authority (TIA) said it had exchanged views with relevant officials from Shenzhen to ramp up supervision on industry misconduct such as tours that involve coercive shopping. In a statement released on Friday, the authority noted its chairperson, Kevin Lam, led a team last month to meet with Ding Zhongyuan, deputy director-general of the Shenzhen Municipal Bureau of Culture, Sports, Tourism, Radio & Television on May 18. The team also met with representatives from Shenzhen's tourism, cybersecurity, market supervision and enforcement departments, as well as travel associations and certain key online platforms. Together, they discussed how to strengthen collaboration to combat illegal tours as well as tours that involve coercive shopping. Speaking at their meeting, Lam noted Hong Kong has been cracking down on unlicensed tour activities, citing a recent case in which authorities arrested a mainland worker for the offence of breaching conditions of stay and offering hiking tour guide services at High Island Reservoir in early May. The man was later convicted and sentenced to six weeks in prison, according to the TIA. Meanwhile, the two sides also touched on issues in which mainland visitors were forced to buy items while on their packaged tours in the SAR. Authorities revoked a tour guide's licence in one case, following an investigation in April. The revocation took effect today. The TIA reiterated that it has "zero tolerance over actions that damage the reputation of Hong Kong's tourism industry", adding it would work with its peers in Shenzhen to enhance education and publicity. It also called on tourists to check if their travel agencies have obtained proper legal certificates before joining their tour groups. Edited by Tony Sabine
Government spokesman Fahmi Fadzil says the prime minister’s directive follows complaints that foreigners are allegedly taking over local business operations.
(Matador) Better known as a formidable free jazz saxophonist, these thrashing songs about the artist’s Tennessee childhood home share a similar genre-pushing intensity On opening track OCD, Zoh Amba stops a twinkling, rootsy guitar melody and starts over, searching for the right way to tell the story of a boy diagnosed with “dreamin’ all the time”. Amba lands on a queasy combination of empathy and conspiracy (“said that mind needs fixin’ / gunna end up like everybody”), churned up by thrashing, violent strumming – the kind that causes blisters and wrecked strings. These cryptic postcards from Amba’s home town of Kingsport, Tennessee describe childhood memories with fresh eyes: they left at 17 and returned only recently, now in their mid-20s. Blending gruff reality with poetic licence, Eyes Full is a rugged, experimental country rock record that feels deeply lived in, despite representing an abrupt change in sound: Amba is best known as a prodigious free jazz saxophonist. Continue reading...
Getting a driver's licence is often seen as a simple rite of passage, but mine turned into a year-long saga - this week’s La Belle Vie newsletter offers an insight into this essential process.
The US Commerce Department's Bureau of Industry and Security has quietly closed a year-old loophole that let Nvidia's most advanced Blackwell AI chips reach overseas subsidiaries of Chinese companies without an export licence. Industry sources estimate hundreds of thousands of chips may have already shipped through the gap. The new guidance still leaves data centre servicing and TSMC foundry due diligence untouched, raising fresh enforcement questions.
ISLAMABAD: The Federal Constitutional Court (FCC) on Thursday emphasised that appointments to important public offices must demonstrably conform to constitutional standards of fairness, transparency, institutional integrity and merit-based governance. “Public authority cannot be exercised on undisclosed considerations, nor can structured procedures be reduced to empty formalities,” observed Justice Rozi Khan Barrech in a judgement he authored. Justice Barrech was a member of a three-judge FCC bench, headed by Justice Syed Hasan Azhar Rizvi, while hearing an appeal filed by Sifatullah Khan against a March 5, 2026, Peshawar High Court (PHC) order setting aside his appointment as chairman of the Board of Intermediate and Secondary Education (BISE), Bannu, in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The FCC observed that the legitimacy of public administration depended not merely on the existence of power, but on the disciplined and transparent exercise of that power in accordance with the law. Court upholds PHC ruling setting aside appointment of BISE Bannu chairman It upheld the PHC order, stating that it did not suffer from any legal or constitutional infirmity warranting interference by the FCC. The petitioner had challenged the PHC verdict that not only set aside his May 13, 2025, appointment notification but also directed the controlling authority to entrust the duties of chairman to another suitable person within three months. When the post of BISE Bannu chairman fell vacant, applications were invited from eligible candidates. Through a notification dated Feb 2, 2021, the controlling authority constituted a search and scrutiny committee to interview shortlisted candidates for the post. Under its terms of reference (ToRs), the committee was mandated to evaluate and interview shortlisted candidates and recommend a panel of three officers for each post for approval by the KP chief minister. The committee conducted interviews on Sept 26, 2024. Later, the committee recommended three names, but dropped that of the petitioner. The recommendations were forwarded through various secretaries and later placed before the KP chief minister for approval. The controversy arose when a revised summary was prepared, placing the petitioner’s name at serial number four. He was subsequently appointed on deputation for three years through a notification dated Sept 13, 2025, ignoring the committee’s recommendations entirely. ‘Doctrine of pleasure’ In his judgement, Justice Barrech observed that the “doctrine of pleasure, or the existence of administrative discretion, cannot be invoked to legitimise a process which, on its face, departs from the very mechanism devised by the executive itself”. The FCC observed that administrative decisions affecting public appointments must disclose the basis for any departure from the prescribed procedure. It added that silence on the record in this regard was fatal to the validity of such action. “The doctrine of pleasure, in its constitutional and administrative sense, does not confer an unfettered licence upon the executive to act in disregard of self-imposed procedural discipline,” the judgement held. It added that while the executive might, subject to law, appoint and remove public functionaries, the exercise of such power remained subject to the rule of law and the constitutional obligation to act fairly and rationally. Published in Dawn, June 5th, 2026
An HT investigation found that owner Lavkesh Bajaj didn’t have a licence to run a full-fledged restaurant and only possessed a “tea and snacks outlet” licence.
Environmental justice groups have questioned Thirsti’s groundwater abstraction at its KwaZulu-Natal facility, alleging use beyond its authorisation as the company seeks a water use licence from the department
Tourism Minister Kapil Mishra said the government would formally withdraw the scheme and take action against operators violating licence conditions.
Probe into Malviya Nagar Flourish Stay fire widens, owner Lovkesh Bajaj held for BNS offences, alleged licence misuse and illegal room expansion, Delhi to scrap B and B policy
The Delhi Gymkhana Club was born in 1913, raised for British officers and the colonial set, and was later inherited by bureaucrats, politicians, and the comfortably connected. None of that pedigree could save it, however, from the law. Last week India told it to vacate the land by June 5. The government read a single clause from the club’s own lease, named a public purpose, and issued the notice. The land returns to the state as do the buildings on it. The club says it will fight the decision in court, and it may. But the order is out and the clock has started. In Pakistan, the Lahore Gymkhana was born in the same year, is grander than Delhi’s and also sits on land worth a king’s ransom. But no notice to vacate has been issued. These are the facts from the government documents that explain why. India has ordered the Delhi Gymkhana Club to vacate its premises by June 5 — Credits: BBC 38 paisas a kanal The Lahore Gymkhana sits on state land ringed by The Mall, Jail Road, and Zafar Ali Road. There is no pricier address in the province. Its 1913 lease stretches back to the Raj, and has been repeatedly extended in 1921, 1960, and, in haste in 1996, five years before its expiry. This time it was extended for 50 years to cover the years 2000 to 2050. The gymkhana estate sprawls over 112 acres and the club holds three kanal and 16 marlas more than the record of rights allows — a tiny trespass that nobody thought to note until now. But that is not all. Inside Lawrence Gardens (Bagh-e-Jinnah), the Gymkhana keeps an exclusive cricket ground on three-and-a-half acres of the Agriculture Department. This was never part of the lease, there is no grant for it and no rent is paid. No paper explains how a public garden was fenced off for a private game. For the main estate, the club pays Rs5000 a year in rent. Not per kanal. In total. That comes to Rs417 a month, or under fifty paisas per kanal, for some of the most valuable earth in Pakistan. How little is Rs5000? Consider it against the government’s upper commercial rate. Total land 1,091 kanals 21,820 marla Market value 1,091 × Rs200 million/kanal Rs218.2 billion Fair annual rent 21,820 marla × Rs200,000/marla Rs4.364 billion The land is worth Rs218 billion so fair rent would be about Rs4.36 billion a year. Under the government’s 2023 policy, clubs can pay a tenth of market rent, but this would still come to Rs400 million a year. The club pays Rs5000. For years, the land’s real value sat behind a nominal colonial rent. It became visible when market figures were placed on the record. The admissions of guilt The club filed its defence with the Assembly admitting the buildings came after the lease, which said the government had to approve construction. Over the decades the club built its clubhouse, golf clubhouse, pool, two guest blocks, health club, administration block, mosque and a café in 2012. The Board of Revenue searched for permissions but none were on record. The club has not even paid its token Rs5,000 rent. The Additional Deputy Commissioner’s office sent a notice, dated 26 August 2020, saying that rent had not bee paid since 2011. Then the money. The club swears no public funds reach it but then lists them in the next breath: Rs2 million from President Zia in 1985, Rs2 million from PM Nawaz Sharif the same year, Rs50 million from CM Pervaiz Elahi in 2006, Rs10 million from CM Shehbaz Sharif in 2014. Four heads of government, four gifts from the public purse, to a private club. And who is the club for? Its rulebook answers. Every civil servant of Grade 18 and above may join for a token fee, and so may every commissioned officer of the armed forces. The other way to become a member is to inherit membership. The capture is not an accident of history. It is written into the founding charter. The roll of ordinary members, meanwhile, the club guards as confidential as if it were a list belonging to a Freemason Lodge. The instinct to maintain secrecy runs deep. When citizens used the Right to Information law to ask for the lease and the donor records, the club refused, and carried its refusal to the Lahore High Court, pleading, without blushing, that as a public limited company it was no “public body” and owed the public nothing. In January 2023, the court dismissed the plea. The land belongs to the state, the judge held. Handing over land worth billions of rupees almost free was an enormous benefit and rent of Rs5,000 a year “cannot be even termed as any rate whatsoever.” The same shrug was then offered to the Assembly when it asked who the club’s members were. Lahore Gymkhana — Credits: Express Tribune Institutionalising the giveaway The Gymkhana is no aberration. It is the template: in May 2023 the state made the template law. That month, a caretaker government in Punjab, an unelected stopgap whose only charge was to hold an election, approved a sweeping new policy. It had no mandate to make long-term land decisions but it made one anyway. On May 10 2023, the Colonies Department opened the door to hand prime state land to gymkhana clubs across the province, and fixed their rent at a tenth of market value. The discount was sewn into the rules. The Board of Revenue reports the harvest. The figure that matters is what the clubs actually pay, after the 90 per cent is shaved away: Rs20,000 an acre a year at Dera Ghazi Khan, Mandi Bahauddin, and Chiniot; Rs50,000 at Vehari, Sahiwal, and Dera Ghazi Khan; Rs60,000 at Kamalpur Syedaan in Attock; Rs100,000 at Saddar Gymkhana, Gujranwala; Rs120,000 at Jhang; Rs140,000 at Jhelum and Gujranwala City. An acre of prime city land, for the price of a secondhand motorcycle, every year. And the final irony: this generous policy, the Board says, does not reach the Lahore Gymkhana, because its lease is older. Elite enclaves on public land The Gymkhana is not the only refuge for the officer class in Lahore. Inside the GOR, that broad expanse of prime central land set aside for officialdom, stands the Punjab Civil Officers Mess on Tollington Road. At GOR’s gate stands the colonial Punjab Club. A short walk off, the Lahore Polo Club keeps its grounds and stables inside the Race Course, public parkland surrendered to horses and a handful of players. An exclusive school for the male heirs of the elite, Aitchison College (Chief’s College), spreads over 200 acres. None of these entities bought their land. It is public land, held in trust, enjoyed by the few. Islamabad tells the same story more starkly. The Islamabad Club, sprawled across 352 acres of CDA land, pays about three rupees an acre a month as its gates remain closed to ordinary citizens. The Gun and Country Club rose up on land meant for the Pakistan Sports Board; the Supreme Court declared it illegal in 2018 and ordered the land to be taken back, yet years later auditors could not trace some 38 acres, and the club sat on roughly 37 with no deed, no lease, no licence at all. The court said it aloud: there was no land in Islamabad for a public hospital [for the poor], but there was land aplenty for clubs for the rich. And the hunger has not eased. In Multan, the district administration moves to slice 15 acres off the Central Cotton Research Institute, founded in 1970, the cradle of more than forty cotton varieties, including the region’s first virus-free strain, to feed another gymkhana, while the country’s cotton reserves sit at a record low and we spend hard currency importing the very crop the institute exists to improve. The Pakistan Business Forum has written to the chief minister to stop it. The clubs took the parks. Now they reach into the seed bank. There has been an attempt to quantify this. In 2021, the UNDP put a number on the privileges captured by Pakistan’s elite. Cheap land and capital, tax breaks and soft inputs came to about $17.4 billion a year, which is nearly 6pc of the whole economy. The Gymkhana is merely a place where one may stand and watch the transfer happen: a 112 acres, for Rs5000. When the same hands value, grant, and enjoy the land This mechanism endures not through sloth but through strategy, as the actors make clear. The land belongs to the state. The men who grant it are senior civil servants in the Colonies Department, the Board of Revenue, the office of the Deputy Commissioner. The men who set the value of the land, and thus decide the rent, are with the same revenue service. And the men who enjoy the clubs are, by rule, civil servants of Grade 18 and above and senior officers of the armed forces. The same hands own the land, price the land, rent it, and carry the membership cards. When one cadre handles every aspect of a deal, its low price is no blunder. It is the purpose. No one at that table has any interest in making public land fetch a public price, for all of them gain from the opposite. The officer who would raise the rent, enforce the breach, or cancel the lease must act against his service, his colleagues, and likely his own leisure. That is what makes Sohaib Butt’s report so rare, and so telling. It took a man willing to go against the grain of his service to do the simplest thing: write down what the land is worth. This is the truth worth stating plainly. In Pakistan, real power does not change hands at the ballot box. Governments arrive and depart; the bureaucracy and elites abide. And on the matter of state land for clubs, those who never leave office and those who enjoy the clubs are one and the same. That is why such a file scarcely moves. And it is why it matters so greatly who, in the end, forced it into the open. Nestled within the Bagh-e-Jinnah, is one of the most picturesque cricket arenas of the world — Credits: Dawn archives Two-tiered justice The state can, of course, move on land with great speed if it wants. Take Islamabad, the capital that prides itself on order. For three months its bulldozers have flattened katchi abadis or the informal colonies where the city’s gardeners and nannies, washerwomen and labourers have lived for a generation. Around 25,000 people were driven out of Mulism Colony in Bari Imam alone. Settlements a quarter-century old, Rimsha Colony in H-9 and the largely Christian Allama Iqbal Colony in G-7, were marked for the same fate, along with the ancient villages of Saidpur and Nurpur Shahan.The state’s housing policy counts 60 such settlements in the city, home to between 300,000 and half a million souls; the CDA recognises barely 10 as lawful and brands the rest squatters. And here is the part that should silence the room: a Supreme Court order from 2015 was passed after the merciless clearance of the I-11 settlement left 25,000 people homeless. It stayed the summary evictions altogether. The bulldozers came regardless. The same legal system that cannot dislodge an unpaid colonial lease in 18 months had no trouble dislodging the poor in open defiance of its highest court. Punjab is no kinder about informality. It is just quieter about it. For three decades, it has promised to regularise its katchi abadis, and for three decades that promise has mostly stayed on paper. There is a law to sanction the work done and an agency to get it done but the number of settlements grows faster than the lists of “regularised” ones. Surveys are started and abandoned. Notifications are issued and forgotten. The poor who put up their housing on the edges of Lahore and Faisalabad and Rawalpindi live out their years in limbo, always one bureaucrat’s signature away from eviction. Three decades is a lifetime. A child born in one of these colonies has grown, married, and had children, and the family still cannot say for certain that the ground beneath their feet is legally theirs. Meanwhile, the new law enforcer is punishing and swift. The Punjab government created the Punjab Enforcement and Regulatory Authority (PERA), to clear what it deemed to be encroachments. It is aided by deputy and assistant commissioners and a uniformed force with black Vigos. Through 2025 PERA hired thousands of staff and opened stations across Lahore and beyond, as its drives targeted the small folk. Traders protested its methods: a shop photographed in the evening, sealed the next morning, fined Rs10,000 to Rs25,000, kept shut until the owner paid. Thella wallahs, vendors, kiosks punished for setting up on a footpath. But 112 acres of the city’s finest land, held on a dead lease, built over without leave, exempted by a rule the board invented, is “legitimate possession,” defended for generations. The bulldozer works swiftly for the weak but stalls for the strong. What Rs218 billion could buy instead of membership It is worth listing what Rs218 billion would buy in a place that cannot pay for medicine. In 2025-26, Punjab set aside Rs630.5 billion for its health sector, and proudly announced that for the first time this included Rs79.5 billion for free medicine. And yet Dawn reported that Rawalpindi’s three public hospitals (Holy Family, Benazir Bhutto, and the Teaching Hospital) were given a fraction of Rs4.5 billion they asked for. Their vendors are refusing to deliver stocks until the bills are cleared. The Lahore Gymkhana land, on the other hand, is worth Rs218 billion, or three times the free medicine funding. A single elite golf-and-dining estate, that pays Rs5000 in rent, is worth more than the tab for medicines in a province of 120 million people. The Assembly did its job It took an elected Assembly more than one attempt to set this right. The matter was brought up at the last session but did not move ahead for “mysterious” reasons. The House pressed further. A member moved an adjournment motion and the Speaker called it out: this was elite capture of state land. The Speaker formed a committee and for the first time in history, opened its hearings to the public and TV cameras. The House’s members killed it at the first sitting by placing on the record, all of them, that they sought no membership of the club, only the public interest. In a few weeks they ferreted out from their government two documents that settled everything. The first was the valuation, ADC(R) report (shown above), which turned Rs5,000 into a scandal by comparison. The second document ended the argument. The Law and Parliamentary Affairs Department gave a clean opinion on what the state may do: Clause 6 of the 1996 lease lets the government end the lease at any time, on six months’ notice. Clause 8 says that when it ends, the club is owed nothing for any building it raised. The Board of Revenue added that the state is bound to resume the land when public purpose requires it, or when the lease is broken. India reclaimed its gymkhana land by reading one clause of a lease. Punjab’s lawyers have now confirmed the province holds the same power to take back the Rs218 billion estate, with every building on it, on six months’ notice, and pay nothing. Credit for this denouement goes to the House of elected representatives. What they cannot do alone is sign the order. That pen rests with the executive, which is the same bureaucracy that would rather keep the file shut. Inside Lahore Gymkhana Cricket Museum, the first of its kind in Pakistan — Credits: Dawn archives Options The remedy is not exotic. The simplest one is to cancel the lease. The second option is to take back the land for public use, which is what Delhi did. We don’t need to look far to find precedent. When the Royal Palm Club in Lahore defaulted on its lease of Railways land, the state took the land back and pulled down structures. Indeed, members on both benches have said if it can be done to a club on railway land in Lahore, it can be done to a club on nazul (state) land in Lahore. The most durable option is a legal statute to dedicate the gymkhana estate to a fixed public use. And one use should unite the benches. The estate is a manicured, thirsty green in one of the most poisoned cities on earth. Take it back. Grow a native forest on it the fast and thick Miyawaki way and plan a park. Such greenery traps the dust, cools the air, and pushes back against the smog that sends people to our hospitals each winter. A golf course serves a hundred men. A forest would serve millions. We say the law protects everyone alike but we must admit it does not. The thella wallah is presumed to be illegal and is not given time to prove otherwise. The Lahore Gymkhana Club is presumed to be lawful no matter what the file says. Delhi has shown us the way. There was never a question of what the law allowed if elite land had to be taken back. The Assembly has proven this twice and put proof on record. What remains is the will to choose a public forest or park over a private fairway, the many over the few, the medicine over the membership. The House has spoken. The executive has not. For now, the silence belongs to the people holding the pen, and everyone can see why they would rather not sign.
• Criticises practice of frequent strike calls; terms them ‘illegal’ and violative of litigants’ rights • Dismisses Peshawar bar appeal; holds that everyone has right to counsel of choice ISLAMABAD: In a landmark judgement on an appeal filed by the Peshawar High Court Bar Association, the Federal Constitutional Court (FCC) on Wednesday ruled that bar associations and bar councils cannot suspend a lawyer’s licence solely for representing a client or appearing in court during a strike. Authored by Justice Aamer Farooq, the 20-page judgement also criticised the practice of frequent strike calls by bar associations and bar councils, observing that such strikes were not only illegal but also violated the constitutional right of access to justice of litigants and their counsel. “When a strike call is made, the lawyer bodies restrict lawyers from appearing before the courts. Consequently, a litigant, on that day, is deprived of his legal practitioner’s representation, and proceedings in his case are adjourned without any progress,” Justice Farooq noted. “This amounts to a denial of access to justice,” he asserted. While deciding the challenge to the Oct 15, 2025 judgement of the Peshawar High Court (PHC), the two-member constitutional court, which also included Justice Rozi Khan Barrech, framed two questions for determination. First, whether the jurisdiction of a high court under Article 199(1)(c) of the Constitution extends to issuing writs against “any person”, including regulatory bodies such as bar councils. Second, whether the suspension of the licences of two lawyers, one for representing a client and the other for appearing in court during a strike, infringed the fundamental right to practise a profession guaranteed under Article 18. The FCC answered both questions in the affirmative. The court held that preventing lawyers from representing litigants or from approaching and appearing before courts was wholly impermissible. It observed that such restrictions struck at the heart of the economic freedom guaranteed under Article 18, which was designed to protect the right to pursue a lawful profession. The controversy arose after the murder of a young lawyer, in connection with which a station house officer (SHO) was implicated. The incident triggered protests demanding that the officer be brought to justice. Subsequently, the officer surrendered before the relevant court and was taken into custody. He later engaged Advocate Shabbir Hussain Gigyani as his counsel. These developments prompted the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Bar Council to pass a resolution prohibiting any advocate from representing the accused officer. Meanwhile, Advocate Azim Afridi faced disciplinary action when the executive committee of the KP Bar Council suspended his licence during an emergency meeting on Oct 8, 2025. The suspension followed a communication from the Peshawar Bar Association, which described his appearance in court during a strike as an act of “indiscipline”. Both lawyers challenged the suspension of their licences before the PHC, which ruled in their favour. In the judgement, Justice Farooq observed that the legal system was already overburdened, with courts carrying lengthy cause lists and litigants often waiting years for hearings. “In such circumstances, strike calls by lawyer bodies only add to the plight of litigants,” the judgement noted. The court observed that regardless of how noble the cause behind a strike might be, it was neither an appropriate solution nor a legitimate means of expressing grievances, as it came at the expense of litigants seeking redress and justice. Justice Farooq reiterated that denial of access to justice in any form constituted a violation of the Constitution, whether through non-appearance before courts or the closure of administrative and judicial functions. The judgement held that the economic freedom clause under Article 18 was clearly attracted when Advocate Afridi, or any lawyer, was prevented from appearing before a court on behalf of a client. The FCC explained that while a provincial bar council was empowered to suspend or cancel the licence of an advocate of the high court in cases of professional misconduct, no compelling reason existed in the present case to justify preventing lawyers from representing a person accused of murder. Published in Dawn, June 4th, 2026
Together, these violations created conditions that turned a fire into one of Delhi’s deadliest fire disasters in recent years.