"PATRON" · 총 142건
필터 보기현재 지수
50.3
0 = 부정 우세
50 = 중립
100 = 긍정 우세
최근 7일 기준 84,422건을 분석한 결과, 뉴스 심리지수는 50.2(균형)입니다. 긍정 4,413건(5.2%)·중립 77,858건(92.2%)·부정 2,151건(2.5%)이며, 중립 비중이 뚜렷하게 높습니다. 성향 지수는 종합 15.3(중도 균형)입니다.
INFO LE FIGARO - Convaincu que ses adversaires du «bloc central» vont s’effondrer, le patron des Républicains compte aller jusqu’au bout de sa candidature.
De huidige aanpak van discriminatie in Nederland schiet tekort en het is hoog tijd voor een fundamentele koerswijziging, stelt de Staatscommissie tegen Discriminatie en Racisme in haar eindrapport. Beide vormen van achterstelling zijn diepgeworteld in de samenleving en bovendien structureel van aard, ook bij de overheid zelf. Daarom moet de overheid niet alleen stoppen met discrimineren, maar ook discriminatie voorkomen en actief bijdragen aan gelijkheid en gelijkwaardigheid. De staatscommissie deed de afgelopen vier jaar onderzoek naar discriminatie en racisme in Europees en Caribisch Nederland. Dat leverde al allerlei rapporten, adviezen en instrumenten op. Zo vond de commissie dat de aanpak van discriminatie door de overheid beter moet en dat uitspraken in de Tweede Kamer online discriminatie vergroten. Ook werd een anti-discriminatietoets ontwikkeld en werd geadviseerd om te stoppen met het inzetten van algoritmes bij het bestrijden van fraude. "Er is al veel onderzoek gedaan naar structurele discriminatie en allerlei rapporten hebben oplossingen voorgedragen, maar daar is weinig mee gebeurd", zegt voorzitter van de staatscommissie Joyce Sylvester. "De huidige aanpak van discriminatie en racisme is vooral reactief en gericht op incidenten, waardoor structurele patronen van discriminatie blijven voortbestaan." Iedereen erbij betrekken De commissie ziet dat wetgeving en beleid nog te vaak worden ontwikkeld vanuit een beperkte blik. Ambtenaren betrekken mensen die direct geraakt worden door discriminatie te weinig, terwijl die juist kunnen helpen om discriminatie tegen te gaan. Daarom zou de overheid veel meer dan nu het geval is een afspiegeling van de samenleving moet zijn en moeten inwoners structureel worden betrokken bij het maken van beleid en de uitvoering ervan. Om te voorkomen dat ook met deze adviezen te weinig wordt gedaan, pleit de commissie voor een onafhankelijke monitor die de voortgang in de gaten houdt. Voorzitter Sylvester: "Discriminatie doorbreken is geen eenmalige opgave. Het is een blijvende verantwoordelijkheid van ons allemaal."
El patronato decide que Óscar Llorca, Luis Paz-Ares y Fátima Al-Shahrour lleven el mando del organismo al menos hasta enero de 2027
Jasky Singh said he was put on a 12-month statewide ban from all venues that use ScanTek to ID patrons following an 'incident' at The Gold Bar in Kalgoorlie.
Armenia's ruling Civil Contract party won just under half of the votes in a parliamentary election seen as a test of its handling of a peace deal with Azerbaijan and its growing pivot to the West, away from traditional patron Russia.
«Arrêtez de nous gruger et revenez à la fabrication de bons moteurs, qui fonctionnent et qui durent», a lancé Willie Walsh lors de l’assemblée générale de l’Association du transport aérien international à Rio de Janeiro.
La technologie vient bouleverser les modes de fonctionnement opérationnel. La valeur ajoutée est énorme, de même que les exigences en matière de formation.
A DEMOCRACY needs an effective parliament. Has Pakistan’s parliament lived up to this responsibility? The evidence suggests it hasn’t. Parliament has underperformed. It has acted as little more than a rubber-stamp for the present government. This reflects a broader trend of democratic erosion in the country in recent years. Several reports offer telling insights into parliament’s functioning. The most recent was released last week by a civil society organisation. It records the low attendance of members of the National Assembly in its proceedings. According to Fafen (Free and Fair Election Network), only 20 per cent of MNAs attended all sittings of the Lower House in the 27th session in May. Thirty-three members did not show up for any sitting. The prime minister was absent from all nine sittings as were some ministers. The leader of the opposition, however, attended all of them. As many as 267 members out of 333 skipped at least one sitting of the session. An earlier report by Pildat (Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency) evaluated the National Assembly’s performance in the parliamentary year March 2025 to February 2026. It also found low attendance by members. The report pointed out that the Assembly’s lack of quorum was raised 19 times, with eight sittings adjourned due to the absence of members. Despite this low and declining engagement by MNAs, the ruling party has made no effort to address the recurring problem of empty benches. Attendance is not the only indicator of parliamentary conduct. What matters most is how it performs its legislative and deliberative functions. This is arguably the most unedifying aspect of its performance. It is due principally to the attitude of the government, which enjoys a simple majority in the Assembly, but with its ally, the PPP, it has a two-thirds majority. The way constitutional amendments have been bulldozed through parliament in the past two years is a striking illustration of its attitude to parliamentary institutions. A parliament that doesn’t assert itself surrenders its authority to others. In 2024, when parliament adopted the 26th Constitutional Amendment, it was done in the darkness of night. Even the final text was not made available to lawmakers before it was tabled. The entire legislative process lacked transparency. It was over in hours, without any debate on an amendment of far-reaching implications for judicial independence. The controversial amendment made the judiciary subservient to the executive and seriously undermined the rule of law. Official coercion to secure the required two-thirds vote robbed the entire process of legitimacy. The adoption of the 27th Constitutional Amendment in November 2025 followed a similar path. It was passed in just a couple of days. There was hardly any debate other than some speeches from treasury benches during which the opposition walked out. The amendment struck at the heart of the Constitution. It involved structural changes in the country’s judicial system including the creation of a Federal Constitutional Court, restructuring of the military high command and grant of sweeping constitutional privileges and immunities to key officeholders. It sparked intense public controversy and evoked much criticism from the opposition, legal community, media and civil society. It was widely seen as another power grab by the executive. But again, the government rushed through the process. Treasury members and their allies made no effort to press for a full debate. Another controversial bill, rushed through the NA in January 2026, was the Elections (Amendment) Bill. This limited public access to MPs’ asset statements by granting discretionary power to the Assembly Speaker or Senate chairman to withhold disclosures on unspecified ‘security grounds’. Opposition objections were cast aside to a law that undermined the principle of accountability of parliamentary members. These examples show how parliament has acted as a handmaiden of the executive. It has rubber-stamped actions that aggrandised the establishment’s powers. As it is the majority party that sets the tone and substance for parliamentary activity, its stance is the principal reason for turning this Assembly into a passive and largely ineffective body. The PML-N leadership sees parliament as a means to maintain its party in power rather than as an instrument of governance or forum to articulate and debate policy. As in its previous stints in government, the party has not encouraged the Assembly to play an active role in both its legislative and deliberative functions. With its majority, the ruling party should not be reluctant to encourage open parliamentary debate and allow members to freely deliberate on national issues. But it doesn’t see the value of parliamentary debate. It also doesn’t recognise the utility of parliament as a forum to ventilate opinion, change opinion and share opinion. Whether this reflects lack of confidence in its own backbenchers or understanding of how parliament should function, the outcome is marginalisation of the legislature’s role in the political system. The PPP has also contributed to this outcome by not pushing for debate on key national and foreign policy issues or insisting that constitutional amendments should be deliberated upon and not rushed through the two chambers. As for the opposition, it has had to face incessant obstacles put in its path by an authoritarian set-up. Even so, it has tried to generate pressure for debate and subject government actions to critical scrutiny. But its frequent walkouts and boycotts, albeit in protest against efforts to muzzle its voice, have proven to be counterproductive. It has left the field open for treasury benches to do whatever they want. Parliament is as good as its members. Many are adept in constituency politics and are products of a culture of patronage. For them, a seat means a ticket to an elite club and access to state resources to shore up their local power base. Attendance is secondary and policy debates of little interest. The result is weak parliamentary oversight of executive actions. Elected representatives repeatedly declare their commitment to parliamentary supremacy. But they are unwilling to lend substance to these pronouncements by their actions. Supremacy becomes a talking point, not a rulebook. A parliament that doesn’t assert itself surrenders its authority to others. A hollowed House does no service to democracy. The writer is a former ambassador to the US, UK and UN. Published in Dawn, June 8th, 2026
A Liberal Democrat-run council has been accused of doubling down on 'sexist' claims about how e-bikes help women 'stay looking nice'.
A popular Taiwanese chain is planning to remove its famous Shanghai Rice Cakes from the menu — sparking a petition and sending furious foodies into a frenzy. About 1,700 people have already signed a new petition to bring Din Tai Fung’s beloved dish back after leaving loyal patrons “distraught” after employees of the famous eatery,...
Dans ce fief conservateur, la députée Virginie Duby-Muller fait figure de favorite des élections internes du parti, lundi 8 et mardi 9 juin. Grâce au soutien du patron de LR Bruno Retailleau, mais surtout au désistement du président sortant de la fédération locale, accusé de flirter avec l’extrême droite.
Au lendemain de son hospitalisation, Frédéric Vasseur est bien de retour dans le paddock ce dimanche au Grand Prix de Monaco.
THE people of Gilgit-Baltistan joined Pakistan at the time of independence after liberating the region from Dogra rule. It was a unanimous aspiration to become part of the Muslim state. Assuming the relationship would be formalised through constitutional inclusion and political empowerment, GB’s people aligned themselves with mainstream Pakistani political parties, unlike Azad Kashmir, where indigenous political parties continued to play a significant role. Unfortunately, instead of the evolution of a locally rooted political architecture or democratic compact specific to GB, governance came to be dominated by the PML-N, PPP and PTI, who viewed GB through the lens of national power politics, strategic utility, electoral expansion, patronage and resource control, rather than genuine political empowerment. Consequently, while there are elected governments, there’s no meaningful self-governance. The first problem is the absence of a consistent ideological commitment by these parties to resolving GB’s constitutional status. Promises of autonomy, reforms and provisional provincial status are repeatedly made during elections, but not one party has delivered on their pledge when in federal power. The unresolved constitutional ambiguity serves the interests of centralised authority because it allows decisive control without assuming full constitutional obligations. A second problem is the import of a confrontational mainland political culture into a socially sensitive and geographically isolated mountain society. Politics has become polarised around loyalties to party leadership in Islamabad. Local leadership often emerges not through grassroots struggle or public legitimacy, but patronage networks, loyalty to party centres and access to federal power. This weakens local institutions and stymies independent political consensus. The PPP introduced the 2009 Gilgit-Baltistan Empowerment and Self-Governance Order, which created the current political structure. However, while the order established elected institutions, overriding authority remained concentrated within federally controlled structures. The PML-N focused on infrastructure and connectivity projects, but made little attempt at meaningful local empowerment. The party was reluctant even to take ownership of the Sartaj Aziz Committee’s report because it recommended full constitutional rights for GB. (It also provided the intellectual basis for the Supreme Court’s landmark 2019 judgement.) Instead, the PML-N’s 2018 order diluted the spirit of the report and even rolled back several powers granted under the PPP’s 2009 framework. People in Gilgit-Baltistan take part in elections and form governments, but the real levers of power are not in their hands. The PTI raised expectations by discussing provisional provincial status and constitutional reforms. However, when proposals concerning fuller constitutional status were presented, the party effectively ensured the continuation of the restrictive 2018 governance framework. All three parties converge on several core goals: maintaining political influence through patronage networks; using local elites dependent on federal authority; preserving centralised control over strategic geography and resources; avoiding a final constitutional settlement; expanding bureaucratic structures that cultivate political loyalties. The result is a political culture in which elections become contests for access to state patronage rather than serious debates on constitutional rights, fiscal autonomy, institutional reform, environmental sustainability, or long-term development. Another major impediment is the fragmentation of local political consciousness. Federal parties often exploit regional, sectarian, clan-based and constituency-level divisions for electoral advantage. The resulting divisions weaken the possibility of a unified political position capable of negotiating collective rights. Frequent shifts in political loyalty have normalised a culture in which the political process resembles an auction for legislative support. The result is a paradoxical system. People participate in elections, elect representatives and form governments, yet the real levers of power remain externalised. The assembly administers limited local matters, while strategic decisions, constitutional questions, resource frameworks and fiscal dependency are controlled from elsewhere. Roads, contracts, bureaucratic appointments and symbolic projects dominate political discourse, while deeper questions of political dignity, resource ownership, etc, remain unresolved. GB’s long-term challenge is to develop an indigenous political vision capable of transcending externally driven party competition. Such a vision must articulate demands for accountable governance, constitutional clarity, economic justice and genuine participation in decision-making. Ultimately, GB’s tragedy lies not merely in flawed governance, but also in the normalisation of a political charade. Every five years, elections are held under a constitutionally undefined framework that changes governments without altering the actual structure of power. The process is at its core a ritualistic transfer of authority among federally controlled political actors while fundamental questions of constitutional status, political rights, institutional accountability, etc, remain unresolved. This ambiguity facilitates elite capture through a flawed political system that enables control over local resources without meaningful accountability. Public resources continue to be consumed by expanding bureaucratic structures, patronage networks and non-development expenditures. More troubling is the ill-defined governance structure in which critical decisions, including appointments to senior judicial and institutional positions, are made through opaque processes. Such a system effectively guarantees immunity for unaccountable decision-makers, while ordinary citizens continue to bear the burden of weak institutions, unemployment, and political uncertainty. This has reduced Sunday’s election to an exercise in futility. Yet beneath this stagnant order, a transformation is taking place. A new generation is emerging in GB — educated, technologically connected, politically conscious and unwilling to accept symbolic representation in place of genuine rights and participation. This rising Gen Z, perhaps the most educated and politically aware generation in GB, may ultimately challenge the cycle of constitutional ambiguity and political misgovernance. No political structure built upon perpetual ambiguity, exclusion and managed dependency can endure indefinitely. If meaningful constitutional reform, institutional accountability, and genuine empowerment are delayed further, we will witness not merely political dissatisfaction, but also a far more assertive and organised demand for full meaningful constitutional integration with Pakistan, irrespective of competing political and strategic considerations. The writer, a former IGP Sindh, belongs to Gilgit-Baltistan. Published in Dawn, June 7th, 2026
• Police arrest at least 72 people, recover ‘weapons, suspicious documents’ • Situation tense in Poonch after trader gunned down in ‘clash with police’ MUZAFFARABAD: Authorities in Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK) on Saturday launched a crackdown on the proscribed Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC), arresting scores of its leaders and activists from different areas. “In fulfilment of its responsibility to maintain public order and protect the lives and properties of citizens, police have arrested around 72 people affiliated with the proscribed JAAC over the past 18 hours,” said a handout issued by a spokesperson for police chief Liaqat Ali Malik. “During initial action, weapons, communication gadgets, suspicious documents, material related to plans that could adversely affect public order and organised mechanisms for violent agitational activities had been found, in addition to indications of questionable contacts with patrons and foreigners which are being investigated under law,” it added. The police spokesperson said the police and other institutions concerned were examining information, digital evidence and contacts indicating that some elements were “trying to exploit public issues to disrupt law and order, influence the electoral process, damage public and private property, incite hostility against state institutions and paralyse normal life through unconstitutional and violent actions”. He urged the public to remain peaceful, restrict movements and avoid taking part in any activity by any outlawed organisation and extend cooperation to law enforcers in their own interest. The police statement came in the wake of a tense situation in Poonch, where a trader, Shahzeb Habib, was killed by a gunshot wound late on Friday night. According to sources, Habib was last seen accompanying Umar Nazir Kashmiri, a JAAC core member from Poonch, on Friday night when they were returning from Khaigalla to Rawalakot. Their vehicle was intercepted by law enforcers near Barmang bridge, which reportedly led to “an exchange of fire” between the two sides during which Habib was believed to have been critically injured and later died. “At 11:45pm on Friday, when police tried to intercept a suspicious vehicle near Khaigalla, its armed occupants opened fire on them. Police also retaliated with firing, which led the armed men to escape,” claimed a post on the Facebook page of the AJK police. It made no mention of any death. Sources said the body of Habib was brought to the Combined Military Hospital (CMH) Rawalakot, but his relatives did not allow the post-mortem. Mr Kashmiri was also said to have received minor injuries, but he had managed to escape arrest, according to some of his associates. On Saturday, relatives placed Habib’s body outside the hospital where they staged a sit-in for about four hours. Afterwards, it was taken to Tarar, his native village. Initially, it was decided that the funeral prayer would be held at 6pm. However, later his family and colleagues changed their mind and brought the body back to the CMH for a post-mortem examination, which could not be conducted when this report was dictated on phone, amid an internet shutdown. Witnesses said dozens of people were on a dharna (sit-in) outside the hospital. Reportedly, they were waiting for some JAAC core member to visit them and issue a direction regarding the next course of action. Earlier in the day, most shops in Rawalakot remained shut, except for those selling groceries, dairy products, fruits and vegetables, medicines, and restaurants, which recorded a “rush of panic buyers,” according to witnesses. “Rangers and police personnel are standing alert at many important points in the town. But I tell you there is hustle and bustle here,” a resident told Dawn by telephone. Witnesses said that a main route from the Azad Pattan Bridge had been blocked by protesters by placing boulders and other obstacles in the jurisdiction of the Mang police station, but other roads were mostly open. In Muzaffarabad, life remained normal. Though shops stayed open, traffic was thin on the roads. Police staged a flag march in various parts of the city. Meanwhile, a senior official at the AJK Supreme Court told Dawn that the two-member bench, comprising Chief Justice Raja Saeed Akram and Justice Khalid Yousaf Chaudhary, had finalised the apex court’s advice in response to a presidential reference under Article 46-A of the AJK Interim Constitution by 8pm. The sealed envelope, containing the advice, had been delivered by acting Registrar Malik Ahtisham to the secretary for presidential affairs at the President’s House here, he said. Published in Dawn, June 7th, 2026
Court flagged transfers, postings, and promotions of officers in UP as instruments of political patronage
In Jakarta last month, many May Day demonstrations took place, but two stood out as reflections of the divisions among Indonesia’s trade unions. At the National Monument (Monas), tens of thousands of workers gathered at a rally with President Prabowo Subianto as the guest of honour. Several kilometres away at the People’s Representative Council complex, around 10,000 people assembled under a different banner: “May Day with the People”. Their stated position was an explicit refusal to be co-opted...
Igrejas de Teresina atravessam gerações, preservam história e moldam identidade cultural TV Clube O Piauí de Riquezas deste sábado (6) percorreu templos católicos de Teresina que atravessam gerações, preservam história e tradições e moldam a identidade cultural do povo piauiense: Igreja do Amparo, Igreja de Lourdes e Igreja de São Benedito. Considerada a edificação mais antiga da capital, a Igreja de Nossa Senhora do Amparo teve a pedra fundamental lançada em dezembro de 1850 e se destaca pela imponência das torres sagradas e pela simplicidade elegante dos traços. ✅ Siga o canal do g1 Piauí no WhatsApp A igreja está situada no coração do Centro de Teresina e possui o Marco Zero, que representa a região na qual a cidade começou a ganhar forma e de onde partem todas as outras distâncias. Agora no g1 Já a Igreja Nossa Senhora de Lourdes, também conhecida como Igreja da Vermelha, é tombada como bem material e reconhecida como patrimônio imaterial devido à presença das primeiras obras de Mestre Dezinho, patrono da arte santeira do Piauí. Também no Centro, a Igreja de São Benedito celebra, em junho, 140 anos de sagração do templo. Apesar da arquitetura exuberante, a igreja busca valorizar a simplicidade e humildade do santo franciscano que dá nome a ela. VÍDEOS: assista aos vídeos mais vistos da Rede Clube
Le patron de la FFF, Philippe Diallo, a annoncé ce samedi que les primes des joueurs de l’équipe de France seraient «finalisées» avant le départ aux États-Unis, mercredi 10 juin.