조선일보
보수 성향
문화/연예
[사진]피프티피프티 키나,'더 예뻐졌어요'
[OSEN=민경훈 기자] 그룹 피프티피프티가 2일 오후 서울 여의도 KBS에서 진행된 KBS 쿨FM '폴킴의 가요광장'에 출연했다.피프티피프티(FIFTY FIFTY)는 지난 1일 네 번째 미니앨범 '임퍼펙트-아임퍼펙트(Imperfect-I'mperfect)'를 발매하고 컴백 활동을 펼치고 있다.피프티피프티 키나가 방송국에 들어서며 포즈를 취하고 있다. 20
"PERFECT" · 총 245건
필터 보기현재 지수
50.3
0 = 부정 우세
50 = 중립
100 = 긍정 우세
최근 7일 기준 88,988건을 분석한 결과, 뉴스 심리지수는 50.3(균형)입니다. 긍정 4,493건(5.0%)·중립 82,387건(92.6%)·부정 2,108건(2.4%)이며, 중립 비중이 뚜렷하게 높습니다. 성향 지수는 종합 15.1(중도 균형)입니다.
[OSEN=민경훈 기자] 그룹 피프티피프티가 2일 오후 서울 여의도 KBS에서 진행된 KBS 쿨FM '폴킴의 가요광장'에 출연했다.피프티피프티(FIFTY FIFTY)는 지난 1일 네 번째 미니앨범 '임퍼펙트-아임퍼펙트(Imperfect-I'mperfect)'를 발매하고 컴백 활동을 펼치고 있다.피프티피프티 키나가 방송국에 들어서며 포즈를 취하고 있다. 20
[OSEN=민경훈 기자] 그룹 피프티피프티가 2일 오후 서울 여의도 KBS에서 진행된 KBS 쿨FM '폴킴의 가요광장'에 출연했다.피프티피프티(FIFTY FIFTY)는 지난 1일 네 번째 미니앨범 '임퍼펙트-아임퍼펙트(Imperfect-I'mperfect)'를 발매하고 컴백 활동을 펼치고 있다.피프티피프티 키나가 방송국에 들어서며 포즈를 취하고 있다. 20
“HOW does Muslim hate help me?” So spoke the youthful and prima facie well-meaning founder of the online Cockroach Janta Party, or CJP. Abhijeet Dipke was once an activist in the Aam Aadmi Party. He was trying to affirm that hate could not be the plank of his internet-based club, which is rapidly gaining members and has left the BJP behind in online popularity. There’s a humorous edge to the saga. To qualify as members, applicants need to be “unemployed, lazy, chronically online and be able to rant professionally”. To the extent that some of the features seem to be in line with other sarcastic and essentially crazy outfits flourishing in different corners of the world, the Cockroach party should have nothing to worry about regarding its future. The Monster Raving Loony Party has been a satirical UK political party founded in 1983 by the musician and entertainer David “Screaming Lord” Sutch. It exists to mock mainstream politics, using absurdity and humour to highlight the perceived silliness of traditional parliamentary battles. In Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh, there was a horse-riding candidate in the 1970s who called himself Dharti Pakad (grab the earth) and put his name on the ballot paper in several constituencies. However, since the CJP has waded into a palpably troubling vacuum because the main opposition parties have been struggling to confront the erring government without a workable plan to oust it, the occasion calls for unsparing scrutiny. Dipke says the online party was a response to the comments by the chief justice of India who reportedly described the young people feverishly filing petitions as cockroaches. The comments came in the midst of a national crisis wherein hundreds of thousands of boys and girls who passed school were taking a federally monitored admission test to medical colleges. The paper was leaked and the test cancelled. Eleven applicants reportedly committed suicide. Similar bungling was reported at the central school certificate exam body. A key criticism of employment growth under the Modi government has been the severity of youth unemployment. The CJP’s response came with alacrity, something the opposition behemoths lack. It put up four demands as pillars of its manifesto and they ticked important boxes. It advocated a lifetime ban on retiring chief justices from being appointed to the Rajya Sabha. The chief justice who passed the Ayodhya judgement in favour of Hindus was inducted into the Upper House of parliament, ostensibly as a reward. The Cockroach party then says that deletion of votes should be treated as terrorism. If a legitimate voter roll is tampered with in any state, the chief election commissioner should face arrest under strict anti-terror statutes. It proposes that 50 per cent parliamentary and cabinet seats be allocated to women, without expanding the total House capacity. This requires incumbent male politicians to vacate these seats. Broadcasting licences of major corporate news conglomerates (such as the Adani- and Ambani-owned outlets) should be revoked to address media bias. And finally, it proposes a 20-year election ban for members of parliament and members of the legislative assembly who switch political parties. These are serious issues for the opposition parties to ponder or act on. Since the Cockroach Janta Party has waded into a palpably troubling vacuum, the occasion calls for an unsparing scrutiny. But suppose Muslim hate did become helpful as it did for so many, unwittingly. What then, dear Abhijeet? It’s a given that there are direct and indirect benefits of communal hatred in India. It helps polarise votes for and against the hater. In other words, non-haters would be jobless together with the haters if Muslim hate, or Christian or Dalit hate somehow stopped. Of course, hate enables the hater to also dodge press conferences where the occasional tough question is primed to be flung at anyone in authority. Currently raging topics such as the petrol price rise, fertiliser and LPG shortages — tightly wrapped in corruption — compromised state institutions such as the judiciary, election commission, bureaucracy and police, and a foreign policy spurred by the interests of friendly business tycoons could all be embarrassing on a public platform. Hate is a good decoy too. The Aam Aadmi Party, of which Dipke was a part, can’t be accused of communal hatred. But then, it kept studiously aloof when the anti-citizenship laws campaign was launched by Muslim women of Delhi. The party disappeared like the Cheshire cat when police joined Hindu extremists in attacking Muslim protesters in Delhi in February 2020. Hindus and Muslims had lived in relative harmony in Muzaffarnagar, a key industrial and agricultural hub in western Uttar Pradesh, often known as the ‘sugar bowl’ of India for its massive sugarcane production. In the run- up to the 2014 general elections, Narendra Modi exploited a manufactured Hindu-Muslim incident in Muzaffarnagar to polarise the state and through it much of northern India. Muzaffarnagar has been healing, though, and there’s a bright Muslim woman from the vicinity who rose to become an opposition MP of notable calibre from the Hindu-majority constituency. While Uttar Pradesh triggered Modi’s ascent to power, it also helped the opposition in the 2024 elections to confront Modi’s communal vitriol, leaving him short of over two dozen seats. So far so good. Modi’s current innings has three years to go before the 2029 elections. It must be given to him that he is a quick learner. A foreign reporter asked him if there was something he would’ve handled differently as chief minister. He said, not without being ominous, that he should’ve handled the media better. In other words, he wasn’t happy being called the destroyer-in-chief of Gujarat’s already enfeebled democratic credentials. Dipke’s Kafkaesque nightmare was probably addressed perfectly by the peerless Ghalib, a key witness to the brutally quelled revolt of 1857. “Chalta hoon thodi door har ik tez rau ke saath/ Pehchanta nahi hoon abhi raahbar ko main!” Rekhta.org translates it thus: “Short distances I walk with everyone who moves apace/ I know not yet the guide nor recognise his face.” The writer is Dawn’s correspondent in Delhi. jawednaqvi@gmail.com Published in Dawn, June 2nd, 2026
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WHAT if, one fine morning, a call is extended — “Cockroaches of the world unite!” And suddenly millions of pointless, lazy little creatures swarm out from their ugly dens — from behind boxes, from under beds, from the dark corners of old cupboards? Lazy, yet resilient, cockroaches refused to evolve for the last 150 million years. All they have done is survive and breed. You chase them away with a broom, smash them with sandals, spray them with “Hit,” and still they return. When filth piles up, cockroaches are bound to appear. “What if all cockroaches come together?” — this was the exact question asked by 30-year-old Abhijit Dipke after Justice Surya Kant, the Honourable Chief Justice of India, compared India’s unemployed youth to “cockroaches” during a hearing on May 15. Within 24 hours, Dipke launched a website and social media handles on X and Instagram under the name Cockroach Janata Party (CJP). The name itself mocks the ruling party at the Centre. Then there is the logo: a cockroach sitting on a smartphone with full internet connectivity — reflecting the Chief Justice’s further accusation that professionally worthless youngsters turn into media or social media activists and attack everyone. But does a cockroach really attack anyone? Its clumsy wing-flutters may create a nuisance, and its flat existence may carry messages for future propagation. It troubles, certainly, but rarely harms. Outcome of a systematic betrayal The Cockroach Janata Party expects its members to meet certain standards. Gender, caste, or religion do not matter. Interested individuals are encouraged to conduct an eligibility self-check to ensure that they are effectively unemployed, physically lazy, chronically online, and capable of ranting professionally. These criteria perfectly echo how Indian society increasingly views Gen-Z. Justice Surya Kant’s remark, his later clarification notwithstanding, was not merely a personal slip of tongue. It reflected the broader mindset of India’s comfortable middle class, which does not endure the chronic financial and professional stress that the country’s youth face. Gen Z, or those born between 1997 and 2012, now constitutes more than a quarter of India’s population. Yet nearly 40pc of young graduates remain unemployed, according to the State of Working India 2026 report by Azim Premji University —only around 7pc secure permanent salaried employment within a year of graduation. The CJP’s manifesto contains five demands: no Chief Justice should receive a Rajya Sabha seat after retirement; the Chief Election Commissioner should face UAPA charges if legitimate votes are deleted; 50pc of cabinet positions should be reserved for women; media houses owned by Adani and Ambani should lose their licenses; and any MLA or MP defecting from one party to another should be barred from contesting elections or holding public office for twenty years. Rallies, slogans, and street-corner speeches no longer engage educated youth the way they once did. Instead, youngsters express their political consciousness through satire, memes, parody, and comedy reels. The party also demanded the resignation of the Union Education Minister following the recent cancellation of the 2026 NEET examination due to a question paper leak. The demands primarily target corruption and institutional decay, which easily makes one recall the 2011 anti-corruption movement — popularly known as the Anna Andolan — which sought to address political corruption through the Jan Lokpal Bill. That non-partisan civil movement eventually gave birth to Arvind Kejriwal’s Aam Aadmi Party while simultaneously strengthening the BJP’s anti-Congress narrative before the 2014 general election. Could the CJP similarly evolve into a larger anti-establishment movement? The speculation becomes stronger considering that Dipke himself was associated with the AAP between 2020 and 2023. For now, however, the CJP primarily serves as a platform to raise issues and demand accountability. “The rest is satire,” they say.—The Daily Star (Bangladesh)/ANN Published in Dawn, June 1st, 2026
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