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Smokers' Corner: Myths of the ‘Madman’

SMOKERS’ CORNER: MYTHS OF THE 'MADMAN'

American President Donald Trump is often described by many as an ‘irrational’ man. Yet, there are those who claim he is instead an over-the-top practitioner of the ‘Madman Theory.’ This theory encapsulates a political concept suggesting that a leader can gain a significant advantage in international negotiations or crises by convincing opponents that he or she is irrational, unstable, or downright ‘crazy’. Former US President Richard Nixon coined the term during his tenure, even though the underlying strategy had been present in modern politics long before Nixon gave it a formal name. Looking to force the communist forces in North Vietnam to sign a peace treaty that would guarantee an honourable exit of American troops from South Vietnam, Nixon told his Chief of Staff, H.R. Haldeman, that he had shaped a Madman Theory for this precise purpose. He explained that he wanted the North Vietnamese to believe he had reached the point where he might do absolutely anything to stop the war, wanting his ministers to intentionally drop hints that he constantly had his hand on the nuclear button. Indeed, it is quite common for hubris to emerge within a regime or in the person leading it. But, according to the noted political scientists John J. Mearsheimer and Sebastian Rosato, hubris is not really about irrationality. They argue that states are fundamentally rational actors that rigorously hypothesise scenarios through sound theories and information, from which they develop their policies and strategies. Nixon’s strategy was entirely rational. States and leaders rarely act without reason, and it’s usually flawed assumptions, rather than irrationality, that drive policy failures and political crises However, Mearsheimer and Rosato place heavy emphasis on the fact that state rationality does not automatically guarantee successful outcomes. Their analysis suggests that policies are typically forged by leaders who act as “homo theoreticus”, relying on structured, evidence-based theories to navigate the immense complexities of international relations. These may work or fail, but their formation is a rational process. In their 2023 book How States Think, Mearsheimer and Rosato focus primarily on the mechanics of foreign policy. But I posit that the heightened interconnectivity characterising the modern digital age necessitates an acknowledgement that internal policies are no longer insulated from global consequences. Illustration by Abro In this context, domestic choices can alter the course of a nation’s foreign affairs as well. During the conflict between Iran and the US, in which Pakistan is an active mediator, Pakistan found itself accused by India and Israel of being a ‘fanatical’ Islamist state that was siding with Iran. The Pakistani government and state recognised the threat these narratives posed to its international standing. To mitigate this, the Pakistani state accelerated the abandonment of its post-1970s ideological narrative, choosing instead to actively promote a new national identity. This new narrative frames Pakistan as a moderate, pragmatic Muslim-majority civilisational state. Here we see how internal policies can impact or be impacted by geopolitics. On the foreign policy front, the Indian and Israeli states hypothesised that, if they could successfully proliferate the perception of a ‘fanatical’ Pakistan, they would create enough doubt in the White House about the wisdom of having Pakistan act as a go-between for the US and a ‘fanatical’ Iran. On the other hand, the Pakistani state hypothesised that, given Israel’s growing reputation as an aggressive state and India’s declining reputation as a secular democracy due to its shift towards a radical Hindutva state, the Pakistani side can now convincingly bolster its new contrasting narrative of being a moderate, dependable nation. The Indian, Israeli and Pakistani policies in this case were all entirely rational. Mearsheimer and Rosato are firmly of the view that scholars who accuse leaders of irrationality often conflate the concept of irrationality with that of failure. Failed policies are routinely blamed on flawed decision-making processes. To Mearsheimer and Rosato, though, this is a mistake, because even failed policies are meticulously shaped through empirical information and theories. A state is considered rational if its actions follow logically from a coherent theory, even if that theory is proven to be incorrect. The theories are constructed through a deliberative process, requiring the careful gathering of information, the assessment of alternatives and the debate of potential outcomes, rather than being a product of mere impulse or emotional reaction. So, does that mean there have never been states/ governments/ leaders that were truly irrational? Mearsheimer and Rosato use the word “non-rational” in this regard, meaning governments, states and leaders who fail to employ a credible strategic theory, relying on wishful thinking instead. Most Western media outlets describe Russian President Vladimir Putin and North Korea’s “Supreme Leader” Kim Jong Un as irrational leaders. To Mearsheimer and Rosato, this is a flawed understanding. Putin’s and Kim’s policies are rooted in rational processes, as are those of Chinese leader Xi Jinping. In Mearsheimer’s recent commentaries, he does not see Trump’s decision to plunge into a war with Iran as an irrational move but one based on an ill-informed hypothesis. According to the Lebanese-American academic Fawaz A. Gerges, the decision to attack Iran was built on an illusion heavily fed by Israeli security components, which insisted that Iran’s internal architecture would crumble immediately under direct kinetic pressure. Nothing of the sort happened. Trump’s decision was rational but based on a flawed hypothesis and inaccurate information on the reality of Iran and of contemporary geopolitics. Therefore, one can suggest that Trump isn’t ‘mad’ as such, but simply not very well-informed. What about Imran Khan? Khan was not irrational, nor was he a crank. His decisions, especially to antagonise the military establishment after he was ousted in 2022, were based on a theory that he believed in. The theory suggests that a large-scale political movement scares the military establishment who then immediately submits to its demands. This theory was formed after Khan saw how troops had refused to confront violent protests by the Barelvi Islamist outfit, the Tehreek-i-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) in 2016. This theory mutated in 2023, largely under the influence of the then pro-Khan former head of the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), Lt Gen Faiz Hameed. Allegedly, Hameed believed that since there were pro-Khan officers in the armed forces, targeted riots would trigger a mutiny to force out the then military chief, Gen Asim Munir. This was not a delusion. It was a theory based on information Khan and Hameed found sound, meaning the rational thing to do was to trigger the riot. However, despite the riots, the military’s chain of command remained intact. The mutiny theory failed because it completely ignored the fact that, historically, mutinies have been almost non-existent within the armed forces of Pakistan. The attempt was what Mearsheimer would call a “rational failure.” From then onwards, though, Khan’s strategies became increasingly non-rational, based on an ever-weakening understanding of Pakistani and international politics. The state’s strategy was rational as well: to keep him behind bars and gradually isolate him, leaving his subsequent moves increasingly detached from reality and thus triggering non-rational and even irrational thinking processes in him. Published in Dawn, EOS, June 7th, 2026

Lyari kicks its troubles aside as World Cup mania strikes

KARACHI: Visiting Lyari around this time when the FIFA World Cup is just round the corner is an experience. Football fever is on the rise. Walking down each lane and alley tells you a story about the community’s love for football. Ill-famed for turf wars and drug trafficking, Lyari is also known as ‘Mini Brazil’ because while the negatives divide the community, football unites it. The narrow winding alleys of Lyari permit the children and youth playing football here to give short passes mostly and become great dribblers of the ball. Their playing style resembles that of Brazilian players. Their looks resemble too and to enhance that particular feature you’ll find most youngsters sporting the hairstyles of their favourite Brazilian players. This reporter must have run into five or six Neymar look-alikes just because of the hair. With giant screens being installed and walls painted with flags, youngsters sport their favourite footballers’ hairstyles Still, over time, there has been some change in opinions. Abdul Waheed, a popular football coach and entrepreneur, said that earlier the people of Lyari had a favourite team, Brazil, which they all associated with. “But now, you’ll find the lovers of football here associating with particular players rather than teams. The fan following for a player is what brings them closer to the teams,” he said. “For example, the Neymar fans are drawn to Brazil, the Messi fans cheer for Argentina and the Ronaldo fans are all for Portugal,” he explained. “That’s how the craze for Brazil in Mini Brazil has dropped from 100 per cent to 80 per cent,” he added. The kids playing football at the Al Usmani Sports Academy, which include girls, are mostly Brazil fans. Ali Mohammad, Tanya Faisal, Umme Safa Abdul Majeed, Safa Shakeel and Sonia are all loyal Brazil fans but there are also Abdul Aziz and Saima who are willing to bet that Portugal will do better than Brazil in this World Cup. “What to say about Portugal, Brazil will lose its very first match against Morocco on the 14th, you’ll see,” said Abdul Aziz. “Every four years, as the football World Cup approaches, Lyari’s entire mood changes. The place just comes alive like no other. With big screens installed in all the grounds, parks and even at intersections and crossroads, we forget all our troubles to just enjoy the game despite there being no scope in football in this country,” Abdul Waheed points out. Abdul Rasheed is a local painter and decorator in Lyari’s Baghdadi area. But during this time he diverts all his energies to painting flags of the participating nations in the World Cup on neighbourhood walls. Of course, Brazilian flags take up entire building walls. “Brazil has its own charm but I do paint other flags too besides painting portraits of various star players of different teams,” he said. World Cup fever has reached a high temperature in Ali Mohammad Mohallah in Lyari’s Kalri area where there is no wall left that does not have a flag or a popular footballer on it. Tied to strings, different country flags, too, fluttered away. An Iranian flag on a tall pole on the roof of a building also flapped in the evening breeze. “This year it deserved the highest point,” smiled Yasir Ali, a neighbourhood youth. He also said that he along with other kids went around collecting money for the flags, paint and decorations. “The shopkeepers in the area happily donated 50, 100 or 200 rupees for decorating our lanes and alleys. It is not every day that you have the World Cup,” he smiled. Among the flags was a Pakistan flag, which raised a question. He said. “People don’t realise that Pakistan is also always participating in the FIFA World Cup as all the footballs used in the over-a-month-long competition are made in Pakistan,” he reminded. Published in Dawn, June 7th, 2026

Election campaigning ends in GB as 48-hour ban comes into force

The Gilgit-Baltistan Election Commission on Friday announced the end of election campaigning 48 hours before polling day, prohibiting all election-related activities in the region, according to a press release. The general elections for the GB’s legislative assembly are scheduled on June 7, after a four-month delay. “The commission informs the public, political parties, candidates and their supporters that under Section 182 of the Elections Act 2017 and the Code of Conduct, no election-related activities will be allowed during the 48 hours preceding polling,” said the statement by the commission’s public affairs wing. According to the law, no person would be permitted to organise, attend, promote or support any public meeting, rally, procession or gathering within the relevant constituency during this period, the statement added. “In this regard, a complete ban on all election activities will come into effect from 12 midnight on June 5, 2026,” the press release said. It further said that, following the enforcement of the ban, “holding or participating in election rallies, corner meetings, processions, campaign activities, the use of loudspeakers, or any form of canvassing” aimed at influencing voters would be “strictly prohibited”. “The commission has directed all political parties, candidates, election agents and workers to ensure full compliance with election laws and the code of conduct. In case of violations, action will be taken under the Elections Act 2017 and other relevant laws,” it cautioned. The statement further said that the election commission was making all necessary arrangements for the conduct of “peaceful, free, fair and transparent elections” and had appealed to the public to play a positive role in ensuring compliance with the law. ‘All arrangements finalised’ Gilgit-Baltistan Chief Election Commissioner Raja Shahbaz Khan on Friday assured that all arrangements had been finalised for the June 7 elections, with strict security measures in place to ensure free, fair and peaceful polling. Speaking to PTV News, Khan said the entire region was under strict security arrangements ahead of Sunday’s elections, adding that all necessary measures had been taken to ensure peaceful and smooth polling across constituencies. He added that election campaigning had ended peacefully. “Strict action will be taken against any violation of the election code of conduct,” he warned, urging political parties and candidates to strictly adhere to the code to maintain discipline and ensure free, fair and transparent elections. Meanwhile, returning officer for constituency GBA-12 (Shigar), Faisal Hayat, said voters were actively participating in the electoral process, reflecting strong public engagement across the constituency. “Transport facilities have been arranged for polling day, while sensitive locations have been clearly identified to ensure effective monitoring and response,” Hayat said. He added that the security deployment had been divided across three key points in the constituency, with around 120 personnel assigned to maintain order and safeguard the electoral process in Shigar. “A policy of zero tolerance will be enforced to ensure peaceful elections,” he said, urging all stakeholders to extend their cooperation for the smooth conduct of the polling process. Soon after the announcement of the election schedule, political parties, including the PML-N, PPP and PTI, began their election campaigns, holding public rallies, corner meetings and region-wide engagements. PPP Chairman Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari and First Lady Aseefa Bhutto-Zardari led their party’s campaign, vowing to ensure the constitutional rights of the region and to bring wide-ranging development projects based on public-private partnerships. Former prime minister and PML-N supremo Nawaz Sharif also paid a one-day visit to the region, along with several party leaders, to address a public gathering and meet ticket-holders. Meanwhile, the PTI, the main opposition party at the Centre, alleged unlawful and discriminatory treatment by the administration, claiming that several of its leaders had been expelled from the region, while others were denied entry. PTI Chairman Barrister Gohar Ali Khan, along with several other leaders, has been leading the campaign while also complaining about an “uneven playing field”.

A democracy of cockroaches?

“HOW does Muslim hate help me?” So spoke the youthful and prima facie well-meaning founder of the online Cockroach Janta Party, or CJP. Abhijeet Dipke was once an activist in the Aam Aadmi Party. He was trying to affirm that hate could not be the plank of his internet-based club, which is rapidly gaining members and has left the BJP behind in online popularity. There’s a humorous edge to the saga. To qualify as members, applicants need to be “unemployed, lazy, chronically online and be able to rant professionally”. To the extent that some of the features seem to be in line with other sarcastic and essentially crazy outfits flourishing in different corners of the world, the Cockroach party should have nothing to worry about regarding its future. The Monster Raving Loony Party has been a satirical UK political party founded in 1983 by the musician and entertainer David “Screaming Lord” Sutch. It exists to mock mainstream politics, using absurdity and humour to highlight the perceived silliness of traditional parliamentary battles. In Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh, there was a horse-riding candidate in the 1970s who called himself Dharti Pakad (grab the earth) and put his name on the ballot paper in several constituencies. However, since the CJP has waded into a palpably troubling vacuum because the main opposition parties have been struggling to confront the erring government without a workable plan to oust it, the occasion calls for unsparing scrutiny. Dipke says the online party was a response to the comments by the chief justice of India who reportedly described the young people feverishly filing petitions as cockroaches. The comments came in the midst of a national crisis wherein hundreds of thousands of boys and girls who passed school were taking a federally monitored admission test to medical colleges. The paper was leaked and the test cancelled. Eleven applicants reportedly committed suicide. Similar bungling was reported at the central school certificate exam body. A key criticism of employment growth under the Modi government has been the severity of youth unemployment. The CJP’s response came with alacrity, something the opposition behemoths lack. It put up four demands as pillars of its manifesto and they ticked important boxes. It advocated a lifetime ban on retiring chief justices from being appointed to the Rajya Sabha. The chief justice who passed the Ayodhya judgement in favour of Hindus was inducted into the Upper House of parliament, ostensibly as a reward. The Cockroach party then says that deletion of votes should be treated as terrorism. If a legitimate voter roll is tampered with in any state, the chief election commissioner should face arrest under strict anti-terror statutes. It proposes that 50 per cent parliamentary and cabinet seats be allocated to women, without expanding the total House capacity. This requires incumbent male politicians to vacate these seats. Broadcasting licences of major corporate news conglomerates (such as the Adani- and Ambani-owned outlets) should be revoked to address media bias. And finally, it proposes a 20-year election ban for members of parliament and members of the legislative assembly who switch political parties. These are serious issues for the opposition parties to ponder or act on. Since the Cockroach Janta Party has waded into a palpably troubling vacuum, the occasion calls for an unsparing scrutiny. But suppose Muslim hate did become helpful as it did for so many, unwittingly. What then, dear Abhijeet? It’s a given that there are direct and indirect benefits of communal hatred in India. It helps polarise votes for and against the hater. In other words, non-haters would be jobless together with the haters if Muslim hate, or Christian or Dalit hate somehow stopped. Of course, hate enables the hater to also dodge press conferences where the occasional tough question is primed to be flung at anyone in authority. Currently raging topics such as the petrol price rise, fertiliser and LPG shortages — tightly wrapped in corruption — compromised state institutions such as the judiciary, election commission, bureaucracy and police, and a foreign policy spurred by the interests of friendly business tycoons could all be embarrassing on a public platform. Hate is a good decoy too. The Aam Aadmi Party, of which Dipke was a part, can’t be accused of communal hatred. But then, it kept studiously aloof when the anti-citizenship laws campaign was launched by Muslim women of Delhi. The party disappeared like the Cheshire cat when police joined Hindu extremists in attacking Muslim protesters in Delhi in February 2020. Hindus and Muslims had lived in relative harmony in Muzaffarnagar, a key industrial and agricultural hub in western Uttar Pradesh, often known as the ‘sugar bowl’ of India for its massive sugarcane production. In the run- up to the 2014 general elections, Narendra Modi exploited a manufactured Hindu-Muslim incident in Muzaffarnagar to polarise the state and through it much of northern India. Muzaffarnagar has been healing, though, and there’s a bright Muslim woman from the vicinity who rose to become an opposition MP of notable calibre from the Hindu-majority constituency. While Uttar Pradesh triggered Modi’s ascent to power, it also helped the opposition in the 2024 elections to confront Modi’s communal vitriol, leaving him short of over two dozen seats. So far so good. Modi’s current innings has three years to go before the 2029 elections. It must be given to him that he is a quick learner. A foreign reporter asked him if there was something he would’ve handled differently as chief minister. He said, not without being ominous, that he should’ve handled the media better. In other words, he wasn’t happy being called the destroyer-in-chief of Gujarat’s already enfeebled democratic credentials. Dipke’s Kafkaesque nightmare was probably addressed perfectly by the peerless Ghalib, a key witness to the brutally quelled revolt of 1857. “Chalta hoon thodi door har ik tez rau ke saath/ Pehchanta nahi hoon abhi raahbar ko main!” Rekhta.org translates it thus: “Short distances I walk with everyone who moves apace/ I know not yet the guide nor recognise his face.” The writer is Dawn’s correspondent in Delhi. jawednaqvi@gmail.com Published in Dawn, June 2nd, 2026

Could India’s Gen Z rebellion begin with cockroaches?

WHAT if, one fine morning, a call is extended — “Cockroaches of the world unite!” And suddenly millions of pointless, lazy little creatures swarm out from their ugly dens — from behind boxes, from under beds, from the dark corners of old cupboards? Lazy, yet resilient, cockroaches refused to evolve for the last 150 million years. All they have done is survive and breed. You chase them away with a broom, smash them with sandals, spray them with “Hit,” and still they return. When filth piles up, cockroaches are bound to appear. “What if all cockroaches come together?” — this was the exact question asked by 30-year-old Abhijit Dipke after Justice Surya Kant, the Honourable Chief Justice of India, compared India’s unemployed youth to “cockroaches” during a hearing on May 15. Within 24 hours, Dipke launched a website and social media handles on X and Instagram under the name Cockroach Janata Party (CJP). The name itself mocks the ruling party at the Centre. Then there is the logo: a cockroach sitting on a smartphone with full internet connectivity — reflecting the Chief Justice’s further accusation that professionally worthless youngsters turn into media or social media activists and attack everyone. But does a cockroach really attack anyone? Its clumsy wing-flutters may create a nuisance, and its flat existence may carry messages for future propagation. It troubles, certainly, but rarely harms. Outcome of a systematic betrayal The Cockroach Janata Party expects its members to meet certain standards. Gender, caste, or religion do not matter. Interested individuals are encouraged to conduct an eligibility self-check to ensure that they are effectively unemployed, physically lazy, chronically online, and capable of ranting professionally. These criteria perfectly echo how Indian society increasingly views Gen-Z. Justice Surya Kant’s remark, his later clarification notwithstanding, was not merely a personal slip of tongue. It reflected the broader mindset of India’s comfortable middle class, which does not endure the chronic financial and professional stress that the country’s youth face. Gen Z, or those born between 1997 and 2012, now constitutes more than a quarter of India’s population. Yet nearly 40pc of young graduates remain unemployed, according to the State of Working India 2026 report by Azim Premji University —only around 7pc secure permanent salaried employment within a year of graduation. The CJP’s manifesto contains five demands: no Chief Justice should receive a Rajya Sabha seat after retirement; the Chief Election Commissioner should face UAPA charges if legitimate votes are deleted; 50pc of cabinet positions should be reserved for women; media houses owned by Adani and Ambani should lose their licenses; and any MLA or MP defecting from one party to another should be barred from contesting elections or holding public office for twenty years. Rallies, slogans, and street-corner speeches no longer engage educated youth the way they once did. Instead, youngsters express their political consciousness through satire, memes, parody, and comedy reels. The party also demanded the resignation of the Union Education Minister following the recent cancellation of the 2026 NEET examination due to a question paper leak. The demands primarily target corruption and institutional decay, which easily makes one recall the 2011 anti-corruption movement — popularly known as the Anna Andolan — which sought to address political corruption through the Jan Lokpal Bill. That non-partisan civil movement eventually gave birth to Arvind Kejriwal’s Aam Aadmi Party while simultaneously strengthening the BJP’s anti-Congress narrative before the 2014 general election. Could the CJP similarly evolve into a larger anti-establishment movement? The speculation becomes stronger considering that Dipke himself was associated with the AAP between 2020 and 2023. For now, however, the CJP primarily serves as a platform to raise issues and demand accountability. “The rest is satire,” they say.—The Daily Star (Bangladesh)/ANN Published in Dawn, June 1st, 2026

SMOKERS’ CORNER: COUNTER HISTORIES

In last week’s column, I discussed how certain Pakistani historians challenged the ‘reactionary’ national narrative constructed by the state after 1971, when the country’s eastern wing violently broke away to become Bangladesh. The post-1971 narrative amplified Political Islam, weaving it into what was officially branded as the “Pakistan Ideology” in 1978. Though some historians began dismantling this construct in the 1980s, it took another three decades for their efforts to bear fruit. Today, the state has not only softened its stance towards these counter-narratives, but is actively borrowing elements from them to fashion a brand-new national identity. This emerging narrative seeks to reposition Pakistan as a moderate, organic continuation of the ancient civilisations that flourished along the Indus River for over 5,000 years. Works of scholars such as K.K. Aziz, Sibte Hassan, Ayesha Jalal, Mubarak Ali, Muhammad Waseem, Aitzaz Ahsan and, later, Abdul Hameed Nayyar, Rubina Saigol, Pervez Hoodbhoy, M. Qasim Zaman, Manan Ahmed Asif and Ali Usman Qasmi, are instrumental in providing the intellectual material for this quiet shift. For decades, Pakistani historians who challenged the state’s narrative faced censorship, exile, isolation and financial ruin. Yet, the perspectives they championed are now quietly shaping the country’s evolving identity By the mid-2000s, counter-narratives became easier to evolve, but doing so in the 1980s and 1990s was a rather dangerous pursuit. In this column, I will explore this, alongside a now largely forgotten historian who pioneered the pursuit of challenging state-curated history, long before the state’s reactionary turn was fully formalised after 1971 and was cemented in the 1980s. In 1977, the source material Aziz was using to write a book on the ‘sensitive’ Hamoodur Rehman Report, was confiscated and allegedly destroyed by the Ziaul Haq dictatorship. The report was the outcome of a commission set up by the Z.A. Bhutto regime to investigate the civil war in East Pakistan. After Bhutto’s fall in July 1977 in a Zia-led coup, Aziz was forced to leave the country. In exile, he managed to find a research position at Heidelberg University in Germany. In 1985, during the peak of the Zia dictatorship, Aziz chose to return to Pakistan, where his brother-in-law provided him with a place to live in Lahore. Here he wrote his most influential book, The Murder of History. Though published by Najam Sethi’s Vanguard Books, The Murder of History faced severe distribution hurdles from a regime hellbent on making it disappear. The book had used original source material to expose the glaring historical discrepancies that had crept into Pakistani textbooks after 1978. According to the late author and journalist Khaled Ahmed, when Aziz ran out of funds, he approached several wealthy patrons that he believed valued intellectual pursuits. But none replied. Relief came in 1994 when Benazir Bhutto’s second government sent Aziz to London, employing him at the Pakistan High Commission, so he could continue his multiple research projects. This stability ended in 1996, when the Benazir government was dismissed by President Farooq Leghari. Fortunately, the alumni of Lahore’s Government College (Ravians) stepped in to fund his research and stay in London, though this support from the Ravians eventually dried up in 1998. Upon returning to Pakistan that same year, Aziz was told he could no longer stay at his old Model Town residence. His once-doting brother-in-law had finally had enough of him. Aziz tried to earn a living as a lecturer, but discovered that no college or university would dare hire him. The Murder of History had ruffled too many feathers in the state, even though Aitzaz Ahsan’s counter-narrative, The Indus Saga, was by then gracing the shelves of all major bookstores. Vanguard had already issued a second edition of The Murder of History in 1993 and, riding the wave of the popularity of counter-narrative literature generated by Aitzaz’s book, the publisher released a third edition in 1998. Driven by the increasing public interest in counter-narratives, The Murder of History finally began to sell well, more than a decade after it was first published. Although Aziz left Pakistan once more in 1999, The Murder of History had already established itself as an early work that systematically debunked the post-1971 narrative. It became an inspiration for a new generation of historians who have since driven a gradual shift in the state’s own historical outlook. Aziz passed away in 2009, having authored over 50 books. The Murder of History has gone through 12 editions and sold thousands of copies, vindicating a tome that long threatened the livelihood and life of its author for challenging a national narrative he refused to accept. Illustration by Abro Long before Aziz, though, there was Dr Ashiq Husain Batalvi. As a young scholar, Batalvi had worked closely with the poet-philosopher Muhammad Iqbal, and the founder of Pakistan, Mohammad Ali Jinnah. Following the creation of Pakistan in 1947, and particularly after Jinnah’s demise in 1948, Batalvi had a falling out with the country’s nascent ruling elite. To Batalvi, this new leadership was abandoning the path Jinnah had envisioned. He watched with dismay as the state apparatus was infiltrated by men who had actively worked against Jinnah. These included landed elites from the anti-Jinnah Unionist Party and Islamists with whom Batalvi held deep ideological differences. Sidelined by these factions, Batalvi left the country in 1954. Settling in Britain, he became Dawn’s foreign correspondent and earned his PhD from the prestigious School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS). His first post-Partition book was published in 1961, but it was in his landmark 1969 work Chand Yaadein Chand Tassuraat [Some Memories, Some Impressions] that he lamented in detail how post-Partition Pakistan had drifted away from its original inclusive and pluralistic ideals. Though a passionate Pakistani nationalist, Batalvi never returned to the country. To him, Jinnah’s Pakistan was long dead. He continued writing for Dawn, but his output as a historian in his lifetime was eventually overshadowed by more prolific counter-narrative historians such as Aziz, Ali and Jalal. As mentioned, while early counter-narrative historians faced immense struggles in the 1980s and much of the 1990s, things in this regard have improved significantly since then, unlike the tightening of intellectual spaces in present-day India. Yet, certain institutional no-go areas remain. For instance, no local publisher or bookseller dares to touch Qasmi’s 2014 study, The Politics of Religious Exclusion in Pakistan. It remains one of the most thorough investigations into how the Ahmadiyya community was ousted from the fold of Islam in Pakistan. This is a stark reminder that, while the state’s narrative has softened on some fronts, certain historical truths are still deemed too dangerous to print. Published in Dawn, EOS, 31st, 2026

Australia-India-Japan-US Quad to build a port, unveil pact on critical minerals

The foreign ministers of Australia, India, Japan and the US agreed to jointly build a port in Fiji and signed pacts covering critical minerals and energy security, as they sought to inject fresh energy into the grouping. The brief meeting between the countries’ top diplomats — Australia’s Penny Wong, India’s S Jaishankar, Japan’s Toshimitsu Motegi and US Secretary of State Marco Rubio — was the third such gathering of the group known as Quad since September 2024. The Quad meeting came as the US and Iran have been circling around a possible deal to end their three-month conflict and reopen the Strait of Hormuz. The group unveiled its first joint infrastructure project, a port in Fiji. “We are going to be partnering on issues of port infrastructure, in particular in response to insufficient port capacity in the Pacific Islands, we are announcing plans to work with Fiji,” Rubio said, adding that the initiative would be “a practical demonstration of our collective ability to deliver high-quality, resilient infrastructure”, The four-nation group had lost some momentum last year after failing to hold a leaders’ summit, amid tensions between US President Donald Trump and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi over Washington’s tariffs and other matters. “We are beginning to show real achievements and real accomplishments,” Rubio said. “We are deeply committed to this partnership. It is a linchpin and a cornerstone of our global strategy as a nation in the US.” He said the group agreed to launch an initiative on Indo-Pacific Energy Security and a critical minerals framework. The minerals framework will guide how to leverage economic policy tools and coordinate investment to strengthen critical minerals supply chains — including in mining and processing — and in critical minerals recycling, Rubio said. The initiative could be significant for Japan after China halted shipments of some minerals used in aerospace, defence and semiconductor industries following a diplomatic dispute. Previous Quad meetings have put forward initiatives to maintain “the free and open maritime order” in the Indo-Pacific by improving information gathering on what is happening in their waters. Leaders’ summit New Delhi has pressed for a Trump visit to India, a trip that would likely be tied to a Quad summit. Analysts have questioned whether a lack of leader-level engagement has downgraded the Quad’s importance. Foreign ministers did not comment on the possibility of a summit later this year, but over the weekend, Rubio said that diplomats would work toward a meeting later this year. “The absence of a leaders’ summit has raised some doubts, but that does not necessarily indicate declining importance,” said Premesha Saha, a senior policy fellow at the Asia Society Australia in Melbourne. “If the Quad can keep delivering at the ministerial and working levels, it can remain relevant even without regular leaders-level signalling.” The Quad countries share concerns about China’s growing power and Rubio — who arrived in India on Saturday for a four-day visit aimed at shoring up relations with New Delhi — has stressed the importance of maintaining a “free and open Indo-Pacific.” Beijing has criticised the Quad as a Cold War-style construct aimed at containing its development. India, too, has territorial disputes with China, though Modi had signalled a willingness to improve ties with Beijing amid his tensions with Trump.

Concern over risk of Congo fever during Eidul Azha

KARACHI: With Eidul Azha just round the corner, health experts have raised concerns over the increasing risk for zoonotic disease transmission and environmental pollution during the festive occasion. They urged citizens to ensure handling and slaughtering of sacrificial animals with adequate hygiene and veterinary precautions to minimise risk of Congo Crimean Haemorrhagic Fever (CCHF) — a viral disease that has a fatality rate of up to 40 per cent. There is no vaccine available for either animals or humans. “Recent health data shows an upward trajectory, with cases surfacing in dense urban centres. The upcoming festival multiplies exposure opportunities for livestock handlers, butchers and the general public, threatening to strain our healthcare infrastructure if left unchecked,” said Dr Abdul Ghafoor Shoro representing the Pakistan Medical Association (PMA). He stressed the need for activating high-containment isolation wards across major public and private hospitals and ensuring an uninterrupted supply of personal protective equipment for medical staff, alongside rapid diagnostic testing capabilities. Citizens advised to adopt precautions while livestock handling and slaughtering “District authorities should mandate basic safety protocols and protective gear usage for professional butchers operating during the festival,” he said. In a statement, the association urged the public to prioritise safety over convenience by adopting simple precautions during livestock handling and slaughtering. It says: “Apply insect repellents containing DEET (N,N-Diethyl-meta-toluamide) on exposed skin and clothing. Carefully check livestock for ticks around the ears, neck and soft skin areas. For livestock bought early, consult a veterinarian to apply safe anti-tick treatments. “Wear light-coloured, long-sleeved shirts and trousers so that ticks can be easily spotted. Do not wear open shoes or sandals; use closed footwear with socks. “Never crush a tick with bare hands, as the fluids are highly infectious. Use tweezers or gloves to remove them safely,” the association stated. During sacrificial slaughtering, wear gloves, masks and protective aprons. Avoid direct contact with animal blood and fluids. Properly bury or dispose of animal waste and offal immediately, and wash all knives and surfaces with a chlorine bleach solution, it adds. According to experts, Congo virus is primarily transmitted to humans through the bite of infected “Hyalomma ticks” found on livestock, or through direct contact with the blood, secretions, or tissues of infected animals during or immediately after slaughter. Human-to-human transmission can also occur in household or healthcare settings due to direct contact with infected bodily fluids. “Early symptoms of Congo virus mimic other endemic diseases like dengue or severe malaria. Onset is sudden, featuring high fever, severe muscle aches, dizziness, neck pain, and vomiting,” Dr Shoro explained, adding that if these symptoms appear alongside a history of livestock exposure, the individual needs immediate and emergency medical care. At a seminar held at Karachi University’s Dr Panjwani Center for Molecular Medicine and Drug Research (PCMD), Dr Saman Nadeem, consultant clinical microbiologist and section head of microbiology at the National Medical Centre, said preventive measures during this Eid reduced the risk of zoonotic disease transmission. These precautions included purchasing healthy animals, ensuring veterinary examination, maintaining personal hygiene, using designated slaughter areas, safely disposing of animal waste, and avoiding direct contact with animal fluids. Food-borne illnesses, she pointed out, were common during this Eid and investigations revealed repeated thawing and reheating of stored meat over several days as a factor contributing to these illnesses. Published in Dawn, May 26th, 2026

Behold, the Qabza Mafia of Karachi skies

We reached the old wolf in time to watch a fierce green fire dying in her eyes. I realised then, and have known ever since, that there was something new to me in those eyes — something known only to her and to the mountain. I was young then, and full of trigger-itch; I thought that because fewer wolves meant more deer, that no wolves would mean hunters’ paradise. But after seeing the green fire die, I sensed that neither the wolf nor the mountain agreed with such a view. These are the most moving lines from forester and philosopher Aldo Leopold’s A Sand County Almanac, his breakthrough work in ecological preservation which was published in 1949, almost a year after his death and has since become a cornerstone of environmental ethics. At one point in time, wolves were persecuted in the United States to the extent that by 1926, Gray Wolves had completely vanished from Yellowstone National Park and the 2.2 million acres of wilderness was left to elk and deer who roamed freely without fear of an apex predator. The result was an ecological disaster. The massive elk feasted on the riverbanks, wiping out young trees, causing soil erosion and taking a toll on the biodiversity. The worst affected were the beaver colonies as fewer new trees meant they were losing both a source of food and building materials. With the beavers gone, there was no one left to stabilise the river which started to flow freely. The water table dropped, fish lost their home and riverbanks eroded. In 1995, however, the US decided to slowly re-introduce Gray Wolves to Yellowstone and 14 of them from Alberta were released into the wild with 17 more Canadian ones a year later. The results were remarkable. In no time, the elk and deer started to avoid the open valleys and riverbanks, trees started to grow again, the beavers returned, and fish populations started to grow. The riverbanks stabilised and the river changed its behaviour. A feared predator, the big bad wolf, had become the saviour of an entire ecosystem. The fading fire in the dying wolf’s eyes symbolised to Aldo Leopold the death of a symbiotic system, which Nature has woven for the benefit of its species. In Leopold’s mind, humans and nature do not exist in hierarchy but are bonded in a kinship in which each member does their part to preserve the entire community. This approach to the environment is known as the Land Ethic, which sees humans are part of the biotic community and not separate from it. This philosophy is the answer to countering the damage humans have done over centuries by disbalancing the system. The greatest example is their creation of cities which severed natural waterways, sealed soil under concrete, and drove out animals to make way for machines and bipeds. The irony is perhaps not lost on Pakistani readers who are watching this happen from the Malir River to the marble factories of Buner. Karachi’s land ethic At sundown, start looking up to notice the swarms of kites and crows returning to their nests after a day of scavenging. Living in Karachi is an easy business for these birds because Karachiites produce over 14,000 tonnes of garbage daily which is dumped in ways that delight these flocks. Kites and crows rule these skies because they attract no known predators, which alongside their scavenging business, makes them a threat to indigenous birds such as the Sparrow, Hoopoe, Myna, Koel, Rose-Necked Parakeet, Bulbul, Sunbird, Tailor Bird. All of these populations are declining under pressure from loss of habitat and the fierce dominance of kites and crows. Human activity is not the only reason they are suffering a loss of habitat; the growing numbers of kites and crows demand more nesting space. These smaller species can adjust to urban conditions if there is enough greenery to provide them protection and food but with the city’s green cover shrinking and the population of the kites and crows growing, Karachi is losing its smaller cheerful companions. Thanks to a few magnificent banyan trees near my house I see squirrels gleefully skittering about every few days. Elsewhere in the city, I had the luxury of seeing an owl once and wondered how many of us have. Otherwise, it seems all we have left in our dreary skies are Kites, Crows, and Feral Pigeons. Unfortunately, we are more sympathetic towards these birds as a visit to Native Jetty will prove. People feed the Kites and Crows with fresh meat to ward off evil, although I am not terribly certain how evil is managed by killing one animal and feeding it to another. We also love to feed kabutar or feral pigeons, for whom chowks and chowrangis are dedicated across the city. In some parts of the world, feral pigeons are referred to as flying rats and are considered to be dirty and carriers of disease. The famous Trafalgar Square in London became a kabutar chowk until the then mayor Ken Livingston banned bird feeding as their droppings have harmful bacteria and parasites which cause serious lung infections (histoplasmosis) among other serious illnesses. Our bias towards feral pigeons comes from our belief in doing good for that which is in greater numbers. But our bias makes us blind to the fact that not all birds live in flocks. We cannot expect Bulbuls, Koels and Mynas to come in staggering numbers to feast on our offerings, but this does not mean we cannot do something to make our city more hospitable for them. Not just birds Kites and crows are not the only scavengers of Karachi, they control its skies. On the ground, however, stray dogs, feral cats and rats roam free. Stray dogs are resilient animals who thrive on whatever is available. Fortunately for them, Karachi has a lot to offer with garbage dumps, roadside food stalls, meat markets and generous residents ensuring an unlimited supply of food. These mutts have fewer health problems as well given that their genetic makeup is sturdier than inbred pure breeds. Given our aversion to what we think are unclean and dangerous dogs, our attentions are much more sympathetic towards stray or feral cats. They are less dangerous than dogs, for sure, but no less swift and agile as natural predators. Their increasing numbers pose a threat to the dwindling numbers of indigenous small birds. All the birds that are under threat are integral members of Karachi’s ecology. It is obvious from the declining numbers of indigenous birds and small animals that Karachi is transforming into a lifeless corpse being feasted upon by scavengers. Our apathy has robbed Karachi of its natural wealth. There were times when Leopard and Deer were found in this area. Rapid urbanisation, hunting and environmental degradation have pushed most of the animals to more remote parts and many are on the brink of extinction. Unfortunately, the remaining few will be lost if we do not step up to protect them. This can perhaps only be done when we start seeing “land as a community to which we belong” and only then, “we may begin to see it with love and respect”. Leopold’s idea of land included “soil, water, plant and animals” and he believed that they are equally worthy of ethical consideration. The answer lies in the central principle of Leopold’s Land Ethic which states that “a thing is right when it tends to preserve the integrity, stability, and beauty of the biotic community. It is wrong when it tends otherwise.” We have tipped the natural balance in favour of some species, so the responsibility to make things right rests solely with us. I am not against the existence of scavengers for they play a role in the welfare of the ecosystem. What I am arguing for is creating balance which can be achieved if the human role is minimised. Through our actions we are an externality favouring some species over others. Fortunately, we do not have to go to extreme lengths as they did in Yellowstone by reintroducing the wolf. A lot can be done with a little course correction and we are already in a symbiotic relationship with scavengers as they feed on our waste. We could start with environmentally friendly garbage disposal which would bring the scavenger populations down automatically. Yes, someone might argue that I am recommending that poor animals should go hungry and starve to death. But we must also keep in mind that life in the wild has its own logics; there is never an abundance of food but fierce competition over meagre resources. We should think twice before upsetting these balances. Note: All images in the piece have been provided by the author.

China's Xi hails 'unbreakable' ties, praises Pakistan's role in Iran peace efforts as he meets PM Shehbaz

China’s President Xi Jinping hailed Beijing’s “unbreakable” friendship with Pakistan on Monday as he met Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif in Beijing, seeking to deepen the “all-weather” partnership between the two countries. PM Shehbaz landed in China on Saturday on a four-day official visit, reaching Beijing yesterday after making a stop in Hangzhou. Greeting PM Shehbaz at the Great Hall of the People, Xi called the Pakistani leader an “old friend” and said the two countries had “understood, trusted and supported each other” over decades, forging an “unbreakable traditional friendship.” “No matter how the international situation changes, China always prioritises the development of China-Pakistan relations in its neighbourhood diplomacy,” Xi said. He added that Beijing was willing to work with Islamabad to build a more close-knit China-Pakistan community with a shared future and achieve more in their “all-weather” cooperation. PM Shehbaz, in turn, called China and Pakistan two “iron brother” countries with a relationship that is “next to none”. Chief of Defence Forces and Chief of the Army Staff Field Marshal Asim Munir, who concluded his visit to Iran on Saturday, was also present on the occasion. Following a rickety ceasefire achieved in the US-Israeli war on Iran in April, Pakistan hosted mediation talks in Islamabad between Washington and Tehran, relaying proposals and missives between the warring countries even when tensions escalated. Weeks into Islamabad’s diplomatic efforts, Washington has reported progress in negotiations with Tehran. “I know that you have just returned from Iran and made positive efforts for the current peace. We still appreciate the constructive role played by Pakistan,” Xi said. ‘Really be together’ Earlier in the day, PM Shehbaz called for Islamabad and Beijing to “really be together” in ongoing efforts to restore peace in the Middle East amid the war. He made the remarks during bilateral talks with his Chinese counterpart Li Qiang at the Great Hall of the People. Addressing the delegation-level talks with Li, PM Shehbaz mentioned the Middle East conflict, saying that the “world is passing through a very critical moment”. “I think we have to really be together, so that the world at large is at peace and business as usual starts again, because this crisis has hit not only the economy in the region […] but the global community,” he said. “There is a crisis in the Gulf and Pakistan has played a very sincere role to mediate between the United States and Iran,” PM Shehbaz said, noting that CDF Munir had just returned from Tehran. “And he didn’t want to miss this great visit, and he assured me that he will be joining me in this meeting, and he has been travelling throughout the night,” Shehbaz added. The premier highlighted that the army chief “played a very important role back and forth with the Iranian leadership and the American leadership”, also mentioning Deputy Prime Minister Ishaq Dar’s communications with his regional counterparts. “We hope and pray to Allah Almighty that peace will be restored forever, and lots of ground has already been covered. Things are moving in the right direction,” PM Shehbaz said. He thanked President Xi Jinping and the Chinese leadership for their “great support to Pakistan to promote peace and achieve a ceasefire”, adding that Islamabad fully endorsed Xi’s four-point peace agenda. At the outset of his remarks, the prime minister thanked the Chinese side for its “very warm invitation” to visit China. “It is always a great pleasure to visit your great country, and each time we come, we find new changes and major developments taking place all over this wonderful country,” he said. The premier extended his condolences over the tragic gas explosion at a coal mine in Shanxi, where at least 82 people were killed. PM Shehbaz stressed that the visit came at a “critical moment of history”, noting that both countries were celebrating 75 years of “our glorious friendship and diplomatic relations established by our founding fathers”. “They did a great job, they laid a strong foundation, a strong edifice between our two countries and here we are, trying to take that legacy and moving in that direction,” he added. An official statement said PM Shehbaz also thanked premier Li for the “warm reception” and reaffirmed that the Pakistan-China all-weather strategic cooperative partnership remained the cornerstone of Pakistan’s foreign policy. He said that the “iron-clad friendship” between the two countries was rooted in mutual trust, strategic confidence and shared commitment to peace, development and prosperity. According to the statement, the two leaders “reiterated their support on all issues of core interests to both countries”. “They also agreed that CPEC has played a transformative role in the socio-economic development of Pakistan. They looked forward to the implementation of the next phase of CPEC,” the statement read. It further said that the two leaders reviewed the whole spectrum of Pakistan-China relations and expressed satisfaction at the steady growth of bilateral cooperation in political, economic, strategic, security and people-to-people domains. “PM Shehbaz emphasised that the 75th anniversary [of the establishment of diplomatic ties] should be used to translate the historic goodwill between Pakistan and China into practical, people-centred and future-oriented outcomes. “He underlined the importance of regular high-level exchanges and close coordination in carrying forward the bilateral partnership,” it said. Moreover, PM Shehbaz underscored Pakistan’s commitment to the “high-quality development of CPEC and its next phase, with focus on industrialisation, connectivity, agriculture, science and technology, digital transformation, clean energy and socio-economic development”. He highlighted the importance of building synergies between China’s 15th Five-Year Plan and Pakistan’s development framework, Uraan Pakistan, to accelerate Pakistan’s development priorities and deepen mutually beneficial cooperation, the statement added. It further stated that PM Shehbaz appreciated China’s “consistent support” to Pakistan’s national development and economic stability. He reaffirmed Pakistan’s firm resolve to ensure foolproof security of Chinese nationals, institutions and projects in Pakistan and also highlighted the importance of enhanced cooperation in emerging sectors, including space, artificial intelligence and advanced technologies. PM Shehbaz noted that the selection of Pakistani astronauts for China’s space station programme reflected the growing depth of Pakistan-China cooperation in new and strategic domains, the statement said. “Both sides agreed to maintain close coordination, accelerate implementation of agreed projects and carry forward the Pakistan-China partnership into a new phase of practical, results-oriented and high-quality cooperation,” the statement concluded. Apart from PM Shehbaz, CDF Munir, Deputy PM and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar, Planning and Development Minister Ahsan Iqbal, Food Security Minister Rana Tanveer Hussain, Information Minister Attaullah Tarar, IT Minister Shaza Fatema, Railways Minister Hanif Abbasi, Adviser to the PM Haroon Akhtar and Special Assistant to the PM Tariq Fatemi were also present on the occasion, according to the statement. Separately, state-run Pakistan TV reported that PM Shehbaz and premier Li also witnessed the signing and exchange of multiple memoranda of understanding, protocols, and cooperation agreements covering trade, investment, agriculture, science and technology, climate change, education, media and people-to-people exchanges. According to state-run APP, these 15 documents included an MoU on economic development cooperation and another on environment and climate change cooperation. The two sides also signed a letter of handover for veterinary vaccines donation, along with the protocols on dried fruits, nuts and maize to be exported to China. Moreover, both countries inked MoUs on conformity assessment cooperation, news cooperation and for cooperation between the Party School of the CPC Central Committee and Pakistan National School of Public Policy. MoUs for co-production of documentaries and people-to-people exchanges in science and technology were also signed, as well as one on free trade and multilateralism. The two sides also signed a letter on counterterrorism equipment cooperation and an MoU on human resource development cooperation. Lastly, they also signed MoUs on cooperation in the agriculture sector, and for cooperation between China Foreign Affairs University and the Foreign Service Academy of Pakistan. PM Shehbaz was earlier presented with a guard of honour upon his arrival at the Great Hall of the People. Both the leaders shook hands and introduced their respective delegations to each other. The national anthems of Pakistan and China were played as both leaders stood at the salute dias. While in Beijing, the prime minister will also attend a reception hosted by the Chinese People’s Association for Friendship with Foreign Countries to commemorate the 75th anniversary of diplomatic relations between the two countries. In his visit so far, PM Shehbaz has focused on bolstering multisectoral cooperation between Islamabad and Beijing, particularly in business and technology. His visit began with pacts on bilateral cooperation, followed by meetings with the heads of major Chinese companies, including Alibaba Group. Memorandums of understanding (MoUs) and agreements “worth billions of dollars” were signed in Hangzhou. On Sunday, he highlighted four key areas of future cooperation as he addressed a business forum. Additional input from APP

SMOKERS’ CORNER: REWRITING THE PAKISTAN NARRATIVE

Illustration by Abro Introduced by the Imran Khan administration (2018-2022), the controversial Single National Curriculum (SNC) represented a final institutional attempt to preserve a state-curated national narrative dating back to the 1970s. By the 2010s, this identity framework had begun to fracture under the weight of escalating sectarian violence, unprecedented Islamist terrorism and fraying civil-military relations. The Islamist violence intensified alongside growing political friction between the military and the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP)-led government that took power in 2008. The resulting instability triggered a national debate over the state’s religious narrative. The conflict between the state and the Islamists exposed a stark ideological contradiction: anti-state extremists were utilising the exact same Islamist rhetoric that the state, mainstream religious parties, and centre-right groups had been championing, especially ever since the 1980s. This forced a fundamental questioning of state-sponsored Islam, particularly its presence in school textbooks. For decades, the Pakistani state crafted a national identity detached from the Subcontinent’s past. But changing dynamics within the country and in the region are pushing it towards a different imagination of itself — as the modern inheritor of the ancient Indus civilisation This discourse was not entirely unprecedented. In the 1980s, intellectuals such as Sibte Hasan, K.K. Aziz and Ayesha Jalal created a counter-narrative by arguing that the state was distorting the foundational vision of Pakistan’s founder, Muhammad Ali Jinnah. They contended that Jinnah viewed Islam as an enlightened, humane and modern faith. This portrayal was in stark contrast to the rigid version of Islam and of Jinnah’s image sculpted by the state from the 1970s onward. However, the counter-narratives remained largely confined to elite intellectual circles. Meanwhile, the official state narrative grew increasingly dominant, thoroughly propagated through textbooks, state-controlled media, and pro-state ulema [Islamic scholars] empowered by the Ziaul Haq dictatorship (1977-1988). A second wave of academic criticism emerged during the 1990s and early 2000s. Led by scholars such as Dr Abdul Hameed Nayyar, Rubina Saigol and Ahmad Salim, this critique posited that the era’s escalating Islamist and sectarian violence was a direct consequence of classroom indoctrination. According to Saigol, after the violent secession of East Pakistan in 1971, a pervasive state paranoia began to suffocate national rhetoric and reshape the curriculum. This insecurity culminated in the formal unveiling of the “Pakistan Ideology” in 1978. It was a construct born out of the fear that, without stitching a rigid interpretation of Islam into the country’s political and social fabric, Pakistan would face further disintegration. Nayyar, Salim and Saigol further suggested that the state and its nationalist intelligentsia harboured a perpetual urge to divorce the roots of South Asian Muslims from those of other regional faiths, particularly Hinduism. This ideological project gained urgency after the 1971 ‘East Pakistan debacle.’ In post-1978 textbooks, Pakistan was finally decoupled from its Subcontinental geography and tied to a civilisational claim that South Asian Muslims were genealogically linked to the birthplace of Islam in Arabia. Critics termed this the “Arabisation of Pakistan” — a claim that Arabs found rather amusing. From the late 1970s, history textbooks largely disregarded the region’s pre-eighth century past, undermining everything prior to the Arab invasion of Sindh. The ruins and artefacts of ancient civilisations physically located within Pakistan, including the 5,000-year-old Indus Valley Civilisation, were treated as foreign phenomena rather than foundational elements of the nation’s own heritage. Although an extensive 2003 study on this subject by Nayyar and Salim attracted brief interest from the ‘modernist’ military dictatorship of Pervez Musharraf (1999–2008), it yielded only superficial structural reforms. In 1996, the state narrative was more comprehensively challenged by Aitzaz Ahsan, a prominent intellectual and senior member of the PPP. Synthesising fragmented ideas into what became known as the ‘Indus Theory’, he formalised his thesis in his book The Indus Saga and the Making of Pakistan. The theory suggests that modern-day Pakistan is far from an artificial state hastily created in 1947. Instead, it is the organic, modern manifestation of a distinct 5,000-year-old civilisation anchored to the Indus River system. According to Ahsan, the civilisational divide between Pakistan and India is fundamentally cultural and geographical rather than purely religious. It is driven by the separate evolution of two distinct societies: one born along the banks of the Indus River in Pakistan, and the other along the Ganges in India. Versions of this theory had circulated since the 1950s. Their lineage can be traced back to the 1950 book Five Thousand Years of Pakistan by British archaeologist Sir Mortimer Wheeler. The concept was then revived in the 1970s by figures such as Sibte Hasan, eminent archaeologist Dr Ahmad Hasan Dani, and veteran Sindhi nationalist scholar G.M. Syed. However, the post-1971 state sidelined this paradigm in favour of its Arabian hypothesis. Ahsan’s mid-1990s formulation remains the Indus Theory’s most cohesive and articulate expression. In 2010, the PPP-coalition government succeeded in passing the 18th Amendment to the Constitution, with the support of the main opposition party, the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N). The amendment provided extensive autonomy to the provinces, devolving education from the federal government and loosening the Islamabad-driven national narrative. Sindh took the lead, exercising its new authority to reintroduce the province’s ‘Sufi’ history and regional heroes into provincial textbooks, bypassing old federal frameworks. In 2015, the Sindh government reintroduced Jinnah’s August 11, 1947 speech into textbooks. This speech, in which Jinnah declared that the state would have nothing to do with the religion of its citizens, had been expunged from the curriculum after 1971. Combined with the widespread availability of internet-driven literature challenging the state’s post-1971 narrative, these developments hurled the Indus Theory into mainstream national discourse like never before. The state made a last-ditch effort to mitigate the erosion of the old narrative through the SNC, launched by Imran Khan in August 2021. While the SNC was a more radical manifestation of the traditional state narrative, it was ultimately rejected by the governments of Sindh and Balochistan. What’s more, its implementation triggered widespread confusion and disgruntlement among middle-class parents in Punjab, causing the project to stall after Khan’s regime was removed through an act of parliament in 2022. Today, as Pakistan navigates its position as a rising regional power, both the government and the military establishment are prioritising pragmatism. Seeking to sustain this status while addressing Baloch separatism, Islamist violence and the Indian threat in a more systematic manner, the state is quietly integrating the Indus Theory into its own narratives. An additional driver of this shift is the Hindu nationalist regime in India, which is aggressively reshaping the past to construct a Hindu-centric, civilisational identity. This has eroded India’s secular image internationally. Pakistan views this as an opportunity. By embracing the Indus Theory, Pakistan seeks to position itself as a moderate, pragmatic nation-state with ancient roots in the civilisations that emerged along the Indus, the country’s largest river and ‘life giver.’ Published in Dawn, EOS, May 24th, 2026