The Hindu National
진보 성향
정치
Indian diaspora groups welcome court ruling striking down $100,000 H-1B visa fee
A federal judge on Monday (June 8, 2026) struck down the $100,000 fee imposed by U.S. President Donald Trump for H-1B applications
"DIASPORA" · 총 47건
필터 보기현재 지수
49.5
0 = 부정 우세
50 = 중립
100 = 긍정 우세
최근 7일 기준 82,216건을 분석한 결과, 뉴스 심리지수는 49.5(균형)입니다. 긍정 10,224건(12.4%)·중립 59,393건(72.2%)·부정 12,599건(15.3%)이며, 중립 비중이 뚜렷하게 높습니다. 성향 지수는 종합 20.1(보수 경향)입니다.
A federal judge on Monday (June 8, 2026) struck down the $100,000 fee imposed by U.S. President Donald Trump for H-1B applications
It's become almost a norm that in the South American nation of 34 million people just tens of thousands of votes can determine the president.
According to a report by Israel’s Diaspora Affairs, Muslim Brotherhood-identified organizations in Italy have shifted from religious-communal rhetoric to active political incitement.
Security guards stand outside the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Islamabad in this undated image. — AFP/FilePakistan a sovereign and democratic republic: FO.FO says Islamabad recognises right of peaceful assembly.Murder of innocent civilians cannot be permitted: FO.<p...
Pakistan on Monday rejected “unwarranted” remarks on Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK) by members of the diaspora in the United Kingdom, advising the individuals to refrain from interfering in Pakistan’s internal affairs. “We have noted with concern the irresponsible and ill-informed insinuations made by certain members of the diaspora in the UK regarding AJK,” said the Foreign Office (FO) in a statement. “These individuals are advised to refrain from interfering in the internal affairs of Pakistan and AJK. They would do well to contribute positively to their country of residence,” it maintained. It added that the ministry has also noted the “unwarranted remarks and queries” raised by certain British members of parliament, which reflected a “lack of awareness and disregard for the historical background of the issue”. “For those still living in colonial times, it bears reiterating that Pakistan is a sovereign and democratic republic that firmly believes in non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries and expects the same from others,” it asserted. “The governments of Pakistan and AJK fully recognise and respect the constitutional rights of citizens to peaceful assembly, freedom of expression, and democratic participation,” the statement added. However, it stressed that “vandalism, the destruction of public services, including hospitals, and the murder of innocent civilians and law enforcement officials” could not be permitted under any circumstances. “We urge the British Government to educate and caution those supporting proscribed organisations to refrain from such actions and to respect the democratic process, judicial decisions, and the rule of law as enshrined in the Constitutions of AJK and Pakistan. A day earlier, at least seven civilians were killed during clashes between police and the newly proscribed Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC) protesters in AJK’s Rawalakot. The clash broke out after tensions flared over the death of a trader, who was allegedly shot during a confrontation with law enforcers on Friday night. Officials have accused the demonstrators of attacking the Combined Military Hospital (CMH) in Rawalakot. On Friday, the AJK government declared JAAC a proscribed organisation, days ahead of a planned protest by the group scheduled for June 9, stating that it was “engaged in terrorism” and had acted in a manner “prejudicial to peace and security” of the state. On Saturday, AJK authorities launched a crackdown on the JAAC, arresting scores of its leaders and activists from different areas. AJK police also sealed the head office of the JAAC, state broadcaster Radio Pakistan reported on Sunday. Meanwhile, the flow of information from AJK remains curtailed due to the closure of mobile data services. AJK authorities have also advised intending visitors to postpone their trips until June 20, citing security concerns ahead of the planned protests. Islamabad has also dispatched federal paramilitary forces to reinforce the region’s thinly stretched police force.
More than 200 members of the Iranian diaspora gathered outside Los Angeles Stadium on Sunday, waving Iran's pre-revolutionary "Lion and Sun" flags and protesting against the Iranian government ahead of Iran's first match of the 2026 FIFA World Cup.
How to Gain Access into the Yoruba Elite Circle of Influence I’ve received so many calls and messages saying these articles should be turned into a book, especially for the benefit of unborn generations and also for the good of those of Yoruba descendants in the diaspora. For those who wish to know what really […] The post What makes the Yorubas tick (9), By Sunday Adelaja appeared first on Premium Times Nigeria.
Every federal budget is a stark reminder of how much Pakistan’s federal government is unable to spend within its means. Therefore, the burden to keep fiscal balance somewhat manageable falls on the same few sacrificial lambs, typically the formal sector in terms of collection and development needs for expenditure. Troublesome as it may be, the country’s gross public debt ratio of 70 per cent is not outrageously high by developing economy standards. However, one big problem is its concentration: over the past decade, commercial banks have held the bulk of the federal government’s debt. Of Pakistan’s Rs54.5 trillion in domestic debt, the bulk sits in marketable instruments, worth Rs46.6tr; of that, scheduled banks hold Rs36.8tr, or 79pc. Insurers account for under 5pc, mutual and pension funds for about 6pc, and a catch-all bucket of “corporates and others” for the rest. This makes the bank-sovereign nexus extreme by global standards. A World Bank analysis from the end of 2024 put Pakistani banks’ public-debt holdings at roughly 60pc of total assets, four times the global median and the highest in a sample of over 80 countries. As a result, the effect on credit activity has been highly detrimental, with the industry’s advances-to-deposits ratio hovering below 40pc and the share of small and medium enterprises barely 10pc of private-sector loans. Shift even a tenth of the Rs54tr domestic stock out of banks and into retail hands at a yield just 150 basis points cheaper, and the annual saving runs into the region of Rs80bn Since the two balance sheets of banking and sovereign are wound so tightly together, the relationship has curdled into something toxic. The government borrows from banks, taxes the profits from that borrowing, and banks push money away rather than put it to work. Somewhere in this loop, both the depositor and the real economy have been forgotten. When 79pc of the outstanding paper sits with a small club of institutional buyers, those buyers carry real pricing power into every auction; a market with retail savers, pension funds, insurers and foreign buyers each holding a meaningful slice generates competitive tension that bears down on yields, and a bank-dominated one simply does not. The institutional money that would normally provide that tension, chiefly the insurers, is too small to matter: at roughly 0.9pc of GDP against about 4pc in India, the entire sector’s asset base is smaller than a single year of government borrowing. That leaves retail, and on paper, the case for it is compelling. There are already millions of Pakistanis lending to the state through the old National Savings Schemes, currently holding Rs3.6tr. This segment has historically accepted lower yields than banks for the same sovereign credit, so widening the base could also trim the debt-servicing bill. A new policy InsightLab at the Karachi School of Business & Leadership, Karachi, argues that despite new instruments and platforms, the set of creditors holding Pakistan’s debt has barely changed over the past seven years. Banks still hold the vast majority. The new channels changed how the debt is sold, but not who buys it. Shift even a tenth of the Rs54tr domestic stock, some Rs5.5tr, out of banks and into retail hands at a yield just 50 to 150 basis points cheaper, and the annual saving runs into the region of Rs25bn to 80bn. This would make a noticeable difference to the debt-servicing bill, which has become the single largest line in the budget and only compounds each year. There is a structural prize too. Banks gravitate toward short-term and floating-rate paper, largely because their liability mix forces them to do so. Pakistani banks hold hardly any fixed deposits, just Rs6.1tr out of Rs37.3tr, so they cannot comfortably warehouse long, fixed exposure. A genuine retail base anchored by long-dated household savings would take on the very tenor the banks shy away from, easing the rollover risk that the current profile does nothing to address. For a government desperate to rein in its largest expenditure line, retail is the rare lever that lowers both cost and risk at once. But the question is: how does the sovereign reach this segment? Historically, that answer was National Savings, though it is not without shortcomings. Its rates are set by administrative fiat in discrete steps, so they lag the market. This is attractive to savers when rates fall, but it is a structure that works against the state’s own objectives, is untradable, capped at Rs5 million, and is pitched more as quasi-social security for widows and retirees than as a serious financing tool. The second route runs through the capital markets by issuing Sukuk directly at the Pakistan Stock Exchange. But this has fared no better at changing who holds the paper. Since December 2023, the government has auctioned Ijarah Sukuk through the exchange to dazzling headline demand, yet the paper is fully Statutory Liquidity Requirement-eligible, individuals cannot bid directly when fewer than 1pc of citizens hold a brokerage account, and banks still end up holding close to 90pc of the stock. Third is the diaspora channel, the Roshan Digital Account, and truly the one relative win: over 927,000 accounts opened and more than $12.7bn received since 2020, though Naya Pakistan Certificates, the debt instrument inside it, have never crossed 2pc of government external debt. The newest effort tries to fix the access problem at its root. Investor Portfolio Securities (IPS) accounts have long let individuals hold government paper in principle, but in practice, the channel meant branch visits, manual forms, and bank staff with little incentive to promote it, so few ever used it. The State Bank of Pakistan’s InvestPak portal, launched in November 2025, builds on that plumbing and strips out the friction. It does so by allowing individuals to open an IPS account, bid at auction, and trade securities entirely online. In theory, it is the most promising of the lot, with one catch: the access still routes through bank-maintained IPS accounts, the very institutions with no commercial reason to usher retail investors toward an asset class they would rather keep for themselves. India faced the same problem and took a different route. Its RBI Retail Direct scheme, launched in 2021, lets individuals hold government bonds in an account directly with the central bank, cutting out banks. If there is a single fix worth making, it is to stop flying blind. Pakistan now runs several parallel retail channels and publishes consolidated data on none of them, so nobody can actually say whether the needle is moving. The holder-wise statistics do not even carry a separate line for individual investors. The rest follows from there: a genuinely retail-sized product rather than the Rs100,000 minimum tickets that pass for one today, and an honest decision on whether to keep routing retail through the banks or, as India did, around them. None of this pays off in a single budget. But the concentration did not build itself overnight either, and years of inaction cannot be undone in days. After seven years of new instruments, the holder of last resort is still the bank. It will stay that way until the state builds something savers can actually use and a route that doesn’t run through the institutions it is trying to move beyond. Mutaher Khan is co-founder of Data Darbar and Head of InsightLab at KSBL. Shahzaib Abbasi is an analysts at InsightLab. Published in Dawn, The Business and Finance Weekly, June 8th, 2026
In Deutschland leben mehr als 600 000 Menschen mit kosovarischen Wurzeln. Politisch sichtbar war die Diaspora lange nicht. Jetzt kämpft Kosovos Premierminister Kurti um ihre Gunst.
The South Asian diaspora is one of the highest-yield demographics for streaming platforms. Deli Boys didn’t treat that as a niche. It built toward it as a foundation.
[Ghanaian Times] American civil rights attorney, Benjamin Crump, has reaffirmed his commitment to advancing reparative justice and strengthening ties between Africa and the global African diaspora, describing Ghana as a key gateway for meaningful diaspora engagement.
In seinem Film »Dao« erzählt Alain Gomis von schönen und schrecklichen Familienfeiern. So erschafft er ein meisterlich immersives Panorama afrikanischer Diaspora-Erfahrungen.
THIS graph shows personal remittances as a percentage of Pakistan’s GDP since the late 1970s.—Source: World Bank, SBP data • Ex-finance minister Hafeez Pasha says foreign inflows could encourage disproportionate investment in real-estate • 1970s oil imbroglio marked the beginning of labour emigration to Gulf, while current crisis could spell its end • PIDE sees around a million workers’ livelihoods being affected if conflict prolongs ONLINE listings for properties in Punjab districts like Mandi Bahauddin and Gujrat yield images of Spanish-style villas, fully decked out with opulent fittings and European design flourishes. This stylised approach to construction is quite deliberate and reflects the social status that comes with having a ‘Kamanay Wala’ (earning member) abroad. In many families, at least one offspring is abroad, creating an alternative source of income that, in many cases, has reduced the incentive to further develop the district’s fertile agricultural land for those that still dwell there. Mandi Bahauddin particularly is one of many districts where household prosperity is closely tied to money sent from overseas. Saying that remittances are Pakistan’s lifeline is no exaggeration. Released in May, the State of Pakistan’s Economy Half-Year Report 2025-26 projects remittances at up to $42 billion this fiscal year, compared to exports of $30.5bn. At the macroeconomic level, remittances help keep the current account deficit in check. At the household level, they act as an essential safety net, providing direct cash support to families. However, cash in hand at the household level tends to drive spending rather than investment in productive activities. Pakistan’s reliance on remittances has laid the foundation for a form of ‘Dutch disease’, where the economy depends on inflows that fuel demand rather than production. The State Bank reports also note that remittances increase currency in circulation, as recipients convert inflows into physical cash for day-to-day expenditures. Data from the Household Integrated Economic Survey FY25 shows that remittances have risen from five per cent to 7.8pc as a source of household income. While this helps households smooth spending during periods of economic stress, it also increases their exposure to external shocks that can suddenly disrupt these inflows. Remittances and real estate Research by the Pakistan Institute of Development Economics indicates that a significant share of remittances is channelled into property and real estate. Anecdotally and empirically, this holds up; the dominant motive behind the decision to migrate is to improve the socio-economic status of the family, which investments in property demonstrate. Nor is Pakistan unique in this regard. India, the world’s largest recipient of remittances, received $136bn in FY25, more than three times Pakistan’s inflows. Non-resident Indians have also become increasingly active in the property market. According to the India Brand Equity Foundation, their share of real-estate investment has risen from 10-12pc in 2019 to a possible all-time high of 20pc in 2025. While property investments are a common feature of remittances, Pakistan faces another conundrum. Former finance minister Hafeez Pasha argues that Pakistan’s real-estate sector neither contributes adequately to tax revenues nor operates fully within the formal economy, yet continues to attract a disproportionate share of investment. “About a decade ago, investment in industry and manufacturing was two and a half times that of real estate. Today, you have the strange situation that real estate is over twice that of industry,” he says, though not solely because of remittances. There are six real estate and property-related taxes, he notes, yet total revenue collection amounts to only 0.2pc of GDP, despite a potential of around 0.8pc. Urban immovable property tax collection in Karachi, for example, generates roughly ten times less revenue than Mumbai in dollar terms because of severe under-taxation, he adds. Oil giveth, oil taketh One oil shock’s legacy, involving the US’s long-standing entanglement with oil markets and support for Israel, was the start of Pakistan’s emigration story. This was also the start of the country’s reliance on remittances. But another such oil shock, involving similar geopolitical players, may well mark the beginning of the end of the Pakistanis-in-Gulf fairy-tale. In 1973, Arab members of Opec imposed an oil embargo on the US in retaliation for its support for Israel. The resulting shock saw prices jump from around $3 to nearly $12 per barrel. The sudden influx of petrodollars supercharged growth across the Gulf, triggering massive infrastructure projects that required large volumes of blue-collar labour. In Pakistan, this coincided with a period of sweeping nationalisation under Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, which pushed unemployment higher at a time when passage to Gulf countries was relatively easy to obtain. Hence, Pakistani labour moved in large numbers to the region, driving remittances to a peak as a percentage of GDP in 1983. The ratio fell steadily through the late 1980s and 1990s as oil prices fell, Gulf countries cut construction projects, and demand for Pakistani labour declined. Pakistan’s nuclear tests in 1998 led to sanctions. Pakistan froze foreign currency accounts, trapping diaspora savings deposited in Pakistani banks and eroding confidence in formal channels, leading to a boom in hawala/hundi. Then came 9/11, leading to a global crackdown on informal channels. Pakistan also became a front-line state in the ‘War on Terror’, leading to the lifting of sanctions. The drive by the authorities in recent years to regularise and incentivise remittances has led to flows back into formal channels. Returning labour External shocks — particularly movements in oil prices and developments in the Gulf — have historically shaped Pakistan’s remittance story. The Middle East accounts for roughly 55pc of Pakistan’s remittances and absorbs between 700,000 and 800,000 new Pakistani workers each year. The ongoing conflict involving Iran, the United States and Israel has damaged infrastructure, disrupted energy markets and introduced fresh uncertainty across the region, reducing demand for Pakistani labour. A recent policy viewpoint by the Pakistan Institute of Development Economics estimates that if the conflict is prolonged, around half a million Pakistani workers may be unable to secure overseas employment this year, while another half a million could be forced to return home. Such a reversal would have serious implications for Pakistan’s labour market, particularly in KP and Punjab, where overseas migration traditionally absorbs nearly one-third of new labour-force entrants. The flow of money that transformed villages, financed homes and underpinned aspirations for generations may no longer be as certain as it once seemed. Published in Dawn, June 4th, 2026
Set to be this year’s biggest blockbuster, The Odyssey’s cast has been selected to ‘represent the world’. Fair enough – except that one key country seems to have gone completely unrepresented … There are the American accents, gleaming body suits and a muddy Dunkirk palette. And then there is Lupita Nyong’o as Helen of Troy, a casting choice that recently drew racist attacks from the usual moaners of the internet, including Elon Musk, who complained it wasn’t authentic. Authenticity matters. He’s just focusing entirely in the wrong place. To many Greeks, what concerns us most about the first look at Christopher Nolan’s adaptation of Homer’s Odyssey is the whereabouts of Billy Zane. Zane, like other beloved members of the Greek diaspora in Hollywood, has recently appeared on “Alternative Odyssey” lists on the Greek side of social media, as well as over dinner table debates from Patras to Palmers Green. (Theo James, Jennifer Aniston, Hank Azaria, and Dave Bautista are among the other nominees.) Greek and Greek Cypriot media platforms are writing open letters. It’s a symptom of feeling left out by Hollywood, again and with no explanation, from our foundational mythologies and epics, with a cast list that features not even a token –opoulos, –edes, or –iannou. Not a single Greek. Continue reading...
NAIROBI, Kenya Jun 2 – The Diaspora Women Leaders Caucus, First Lady Rachel Ruto, and the Joyful Women Organization have agreed to collaborate on a new initiative aimed at linking Kenyan women entrepreneurs to international markets and expanding global opportunities for locally made products. The partnership will be coordinated by the State Department for Diaspora […]
Jerusalem Mayor Moshe Lion said during Jpost's annual conference that The Post had become the paper for Israelis to read to see if diaspora Jews were safe amid rising global antisemitism.
Speaking at the Jerusalem Post Conference, Lauder urged Israel and Diaspora Jews to partner in the global PR fight.
The survey also revealed that 87% of Israelis are proud to be Jewish and that being Jewish is important to them, an increase compared with the previous two years.
The government is developing a legal framework to establish a welfare fund for Kenyans living abroad, aimed at providing social protection, emergency assistance and repatriation support.
Country: Lebanon Source: International Organization for Migration Beyrouth, 22 mai 2026 – Une alliance d’organisations non gouvernementales humanitaires internationales et locales au Liban a lancé une campagne mondiale de collecte de fonds afin d’aider les familles du pays à se relever des impacts cumulés du conflit, du déplacement et de la crise économique. L’initiative est conduite sous les auspices du ministère libanais des Affaires sociales et facilitée par l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM). « L’urgence humanitaire au Liban appelle une réponse rapide, coordonnée et fondée sur la dignité », a déclaré la ministre Haneen Sayed. « Le ministère des Affaires sociales conduit cet effort, notamment à travers le filet de protection sociale adaptatif aux chocs, notre mécanisme national d’aide d’urgence en espèces, qui a déjà atteint plus de 140 000 ménages déplacés. Mais l’ampleur des besoins exige une solidarité plus large. » Son Excellence a ajouté : « Cette alliance mondiale rassemble les communautés de la diaspora libanaise, les soutiens internationaux et les organisations de la société civile autour d’une responsabilité partagée : se tenir aux côtés des familles touchées par la guerre et le déplacement. Engagés pour le Liban constitue un complément important aux efforts nationaux, en contribuant à mobiliser des ressources là où elles sont le plus nécessaires. » Le Liban continue de faire face à une succession de crises. Alors que le pays peine à se remettre d’une crise économique et financière prolongée, les hostilités récentes ont davantage fragilisé les moyens de subsistance, déplacé des familles et bouleversé la vie quotidienne. Même dans les foyers encore debout, de nombreux ménages peinent à couvrir leurs besoins essentiels, à reconstituer leurs revenus et à retrouver une certaine stabilité. « L’aide en espèces offre aux familles la souplesse nécessaire pour répondre à leurs priorités. Qu’il s’agisse de nourriture, de médicaments, de frais de logement ou de transport, les ménages savent mieux que quiconque où se situent leurs besoins les plus pressants », a déclaré Mathieu Luciano, chef de bureau de l’OIM au Liban. « En fournissant une aide en espèces, nous renforçons l’autonomie des familles et les aidons à consolider les bases nécessaires pour retrouver leur stabilité. » L’alliance humanitaire internationale comprend Save the Children Lebanon, World Vision in Lebanon, Care International in Lebanon, Himaya Daeem Aataa et le Conseil danois pour les réfugiés. Elle veille à ce que l’assistance soit acheminée par l’intermédiaire des mécanismes de coordination des Nations Unies établis et au moyen d’approches communautaires. Les ménages soutenus par l’alliance Engagés pour le Liban sont identifiés grâce aux registres nationaux et aux évaluations des partenaires, permettant ainsi à une assistance ciblée d’atteindre les personnes qui en ont le plus besoin. Pour en savoir plus et soutenir la campagne Engagés pour le Liban, faites un don sur la plateforme Rooted for Lebanon. Pour plus d'informations, veuillez consulter le Centre médias de l'OIM.